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1.
20世纪的受迫迁徙达到了前所未有的规模,除了战争及大陆帝国崩溃、政权更迭和相关政策等之外,非殖民化成为引人注目的重要因素。二战后欧洲海洋帝国开始崩溃,非殖民化应运而生,难民潮等受迫迁徙亦随之出现,席卷各大殖民帝国。帝国终结及非殖民化对这场受迫迁徙的产生所起的作用主要体现在:帝国殖民压迫造成殖民地治理危机;帝国向民族国家的国家形态转变产生联动效应;帝国终结引发社会秩序失衡。因此,帝国及其不平等的殖民统治是难民产生的根源;帝国实力下降导致的行政和控制力下降,提供了难民产生的基本条件;帝国镇压民族主义抗争的举措直接制造了大批难民;帝国终结造成的难民问题对相关国家和地区及其国民产生了重大的影响。  相似文献   

2.
正从一种宏观的历史角度来看,西方殖民帝国的崩溃和非西方国家的崛起,是20世纪国际舞台上最引人瞩目的大事之一,对随后的国际格局变化产生了重要影响。当代国际政治中存在的很多现实问题,可以追溯至非殖民化时期的东西方关系以及超级大国美国和苏联所扮演的角色。自20世纪初伊始,美国关于殖民主义问题的基本设想,尤其是针对原欧洲殖民地非殖民化的政策变化,及其对后殖民时代美国与第三世界关系所产生的影响,都成为美国外交史研究的重要课题。②第二次世界大战后,随着西方殖民体系的土崩瓦解,新独立的亚非拉广大第三世界成为国际舞  相似文献   

3.
1965年,英国在南部非洲的自治殖民地南罗得西亚的白人种族主义政权单方面宣布南罗得西亚脱离英国“独立”(以下一般简称:单方面宣布“独立”)。这一事件是第二次世界大战后非殖民化进程和非洲民族主义国家体系形成过程中的一个特殊历史现象。本文拟对导致这种特殊历史现象的各种因素系统地加以探讨。  相似文献   

4.
非殖民化运动是殖民地和其他附属地通过斗争迫使宗主国改变政策 ,从而使得殖民地和其他附属地获得独立导致欧洲殖民帝国全面崩溃的一场运动 ,是 2 0世纪世界现代化进程中的一个重要组成部分。有关非殖民化理论的研究 ,西方学术界已有大量研究成果问世 ,主要有 4个学派或观点 :世界经济学派说、国际政治学派说、新殖民主义论和主动撤退论。其中不少见解颇有启发性和一定的科学依据 ,对我们的研究具有借鉴意义。但它们大都恪守西方中心论的立场 ,强调西方殖民国家在这一历史进程中的主动性和主导性 ,忽视殖民地人民的反抗斗争和民族独立运动的作用和地位 ,这些我们都无法苟同。  相似文献   

5.
英帝国向英联邦的转型,经历了较漫长的渐进过程。二战后,丘吉尔政府继续推行非殖民化政策,继续推动英帝国向英联邦的转型。其政策原则和目标是在英联邦的框架内逐步实现殖民地的自治。导致这场转型的因素有:第一,民族主义运动对英国的殖民统治造成巨大的冲击;第二,英国国家利益是决策的基础;第三,冷战的新形势促使英国调整其政策;第四,反殖民主义运动成为世界潮流;第五,英国的资源和力量已经难以维持庞大的帝国体系。就丘吉尔个人因素而言,还在于:其一,丘吉尔将英国国家利益置于政府决策的优先位置之上;其二,丘吉尔在冷战中的立场也是一个重要因素;其三,丘吉尔将维持英美特殊关系视为对外关系的基石。总之,丘吉尔在相当程度上顺应了非殖民化的潮流,实际上违心地成为了大英帝国的掘墓人之一。因此,丘吉尔政府的非殖民化政策对英帝国向英联邦的转型的继续和完成,起到了承前启后的重要作用。  相似文献   

6.
20世纪80年代以来,英美等国的非洲史学界在反思20世纪60至70年代非洲民族主义史学的基础上,重新审视殖民统治与非洲社会变迁之间的复杂关系。相关研究主要关注殖民地国家的性质与基本特征、殖民统治与非洲社会变迁之间关系、非洲社会变迁与非殖民化的内在关联等重要问题。这些研究表明,殖民统治时期是非洲社会发生急遽变迁的时代,族群、习惯法、间接统治和强制经济制度极大改变了非洲社会结构。与此同时,非洲社会变迁塑造着欧洲殖民者对于殖民地的认知与政策,这是理解非殖民化的重要社会背景。  相似文献   

7.
王艳芬 《史学月刊》2001,22(6):116-122
英国从其广大的殖民地撤退是一个漫长的历史进程。这一进程既是殖民地民族民主运动的本质性结果,也带有宗主国适时“非殖民化”的色彩,但二者所处地位不同。前者作为主导因素,决定了事件的性质,其强烈程度决定了后者的进程;而后者只是一种策略,是不得已而为之的隐蔽的殖民统治手腕。这一点在一些殖民地都有所表现,而在马来亚则表现得较为典型。在马来亚民族解放运动日益高涨之时,伦敦方面先是拖延、推迟马来亚的独立,后是培育倾向于英国的当地政府和领导人,以便有效地储蓄其自身的巨大利益。  相似文献   

8.
二战后初期,美国考虑到法属北非的特殊战略地位,确定了将法属北非各殖民地"作为一个整体"来看待的政策,并以此遏制北非的共产主义活动。随着国际非殖民化呼声高涨,美国被迫采取了"有序渐进"的非殖民化政策。这一政策变化究其实质,乃是美国综合考虑其冷战的需要、北非丰富的资源以及当地民族自决的意愿等多重因素而做出的调整。美国决策者不得不在维护与法国的"盟友关系"和支持"世界民族主义运动"之间达到"现实"和"象征性"之间的平衡。  相似文献   

9.
独立之前,英属北美所有殖民地都存在奴隶主.但是奴隶主人口分布呈现出显著的地区差异,北部殖民地奴隶主人口较少,蓄奴规模也较小,大奴隶主寥寥无几.而在南部殖民地,奴隶主人口较多,蓄奴规模较大,大奴隶主人数也相对较多.奴隶主人口分布的地区差异,既确定了南北地区社会结构的差异,又对未来社会发展产生了决定性影响.独立之后美国北部能够废除奴隶制,而南部继续坚持奴隶制,根本原因就与历史上形成的奴隶主人口地区差异相关联.  相似文献   

10.
刘婷 《世界历史》2004,(5):83-91
白银生产是殖民地美洲最重要的经济活动之一 ,围绕白银的生产和流通 ,形成了不同层次的白银经济圈。白银经济圈不仅对美洲内部的殖民地经济产生了重要影响 ,而且是形成不平等世界分工的一个重要条件。西欧资本主义国家正是在榨取美洲财富的基础上 ,进行资本主义原始积累的。本文以美洲最重要的白银产区之一———安第斯地区为例 ,分析白银经济圈给这一地区带来的严重影响 ,探讨拉美后来边缘化、依附性发展的早期症结所在。可以说 ,白银经济圈的形成和发展 ,是造成拉美欠发达状况的一个重要根源  相似文献   

11.
Eileen Ryan 《Modern Italy》2013,18(2):123-135
In 1922–1923, Fascist Party leaders hoped to define a sharp break from previous approaches to colonial rule and imperial expansion in Italy's Libyan territories. Mussolini's nomination of Luigi Federzoni, a leading figure of the Italian Nationalist Association, as the Minister of Colonies at the end of 1922 signalled a new era in Italian colonial administration focused on aggressive expansion and the institution of what was known as a ‘politics of prestige’. This definition of a fascist style of colonial rule appealed to the enthusiasm for violence among blackshirt militias and early fascist supporters in the Libyan territories. This definition of a fascist style of colonial rule, however, inspired immediate reaction from both colonial officials, with stakes in maintaining a measure of continuity and stability, and from those within the nascent Fascist Party who wanted to promote an alternative model of fascism in the colonies. This article examines contests to define fascism and fascist colonial rule in the Libyan territories through the employment of voluntary militias, the competing voices of Fascist Party outposts, and various programmes for the development of a colonial culture.  相似文献   

12.
The article evaluates the widely held view that the Attlee governments lacked a distinctive approach to colonial affairs by examining the Labour movement's post-war, institution building activities in Kenya. In Labour's colonial policy deliberations, Kenya was the focus of particular attention and is used as a case study to shed light on the Labour leadership's wider imperial concerns and objectives. From the 1920s, the Labour party advocated that the colonies be encouraged to develop trade unions, co-operatives and local government. Some tentative moves in this direction were made in 1930 by Ramsay MacDonald's administration but it was not until Labour came to power in 1945 that, in response to international pressure and the nationalist challenge, significant steps were taken to promote institutions which would organise the African masses. The argument advanced is that Labour leaders drew on their movement's historical traditions to encourage forms of African economic and political activism which were likely to stabilise colonial rule.  相似文献   

13.
Since the advent of European colonial expansion, medical theories of acclimatization have been inextricably related to convictions about the possibility and desirability of white settlement in the colonies, and political ideas of colonial governance. Before 1800, acclimatization theories emphasized the inherent flexibility of the human constitution and its ability to adapt to new environments. During the first half of the nineteenth century, European theorists came to highlight the vulnerability of white Europeans in the tropics to disease, degeneration, and death instead. They consequently argued that white settlement in the tropics was impossible and inadvisable. European physicians in the British and French colonies presented similar views. By contrast, their colleagues in the Dutch East Indies remained optimistic. They associated themselves with the colonial European settler community and shared their grievances against autocratic colonial rule. They presented medical theories which related acclimatization to prudent behavior, morality, and proper management of the environment, thereby downplaying the significance of climate and high temperatures. During the following decades, their views on acclimatization were transferred to the Netherlands, where they were deployed as an argument against the cultivation system, the then-current approach of colonial governance, which emphasized the trade of cash crops grown by the indigenous population, severely limited European settlement, and curtailed the rights of Europeans living in the Indies. Throughout the nineteenth century, the influence of climate and the possibility of acclimatization became recurring themes in debates about colonial governance in both the Dutch East Indies and the Netherlands.  相似文献   

14.
In many respects the Australian colonies were what one person called "the proud offspring of a grand old mother." Yet when it came to the prevention of imported infectious disease, Britain's Australian colonies were not a chip off the old block. British opposition to the lengthy and costly imposition of quarantine had intensified throughout the nineteenth century, eventuating in the abolition of human quarantine in 1896. The Australian colonies, on the other hand, which had based their first quarantine regulations on British law and remained constantly aware of changing medical trends in the mother country, gradually expanded the breadth and capabilities of their maritime quarantine as the century progressed. Although other European powers and British colonies progressively adopted systems of medical inspection more in line with British port prophylaxis and away from quarantine, the Australian colonies invested increasing amounts of time and money into more elaborate quarantine stations and regulations. In this article I examine some of the basic features of coastal disease prevention in the Australian colonies and how they differed from British controls. Australia's distance from Britain was emphasized in the quarantine debates geographically as well as in policy. I argue that the often controversial differences in quarantine policy were for the most part a product of Australia's geographical location. The natural prophylactic of Australia's remoteness was not a reason to minimize quarantine in the colonies but rather served to increase it; whereas, it was argued that "the geographical position of England deprived it of the advantages...derived from a comprehensive quarantine system." I discuss this seeming anomaly in light of other arguments that have claimed that the close proximity of a state to the acknowledged origin of a disease was likely to increase its eagerness to quarantine.  相似文献   

15.
Almost half of the bicameral legislatures in the Commonwealth are located in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Why so many bicameral legislatures are located in a relatively small geographic region, which is composed of countries that manifest characteristics more usually associated with unicameralism—small size, a unitary state, and homogeneity—is puzzling. Scholars have offered two possible explanations. The first concerns the presumed wish of the region’s political leaders upon independence to replicate the values and institutions of their colonial mentor, Britain. The second concerns the presumed need to prevent one-party dominance by guaranteeing the representation of opposition parties in the second chamber. This paper challenges both these explanations. By examining the origins of bicameralism in the region with the arrival of the first settlers in the seventeenth century, its demise during the era of crown colony rule in the nineteenth century, its renaissance in the 1950s and 1960s, and its survival in the post-independence era this paper will offer a more multi-layered explanation This entails taking account of the complex relationship between these former colonies and their imperial past, the wide range of views expressed both locally and within the Colonial Office about the suitability of bicameralism in the debates that accompanied the transition from colonial rule to independence, and, finally, the very distinctive nature of Caribbean bicameralism.  相似文献   

16.
亚当·斯密的帝国理论的核心是其殖民地自由贸易理论.他认为,殖民地是母国的负担,对母国没有益处,主张放弃对殖民地的贸易垄断;改革英国对殖民地的统治政策,让殖民地按其人口比例选派代表参加帝国议会.  相似文献   

17.
The case of the tiny Jewish colony of Har-Tuv, which was founded by Ottoman Jews who immigrated to Palestine in 1895 from Bulgaria, sheds light on Ottoman policies vis-à-vis settlement activity by Sephardic Jews in Palestine at a time when there were concerted efforts to limit the Jewish national activity there. The latter was mainly carried out by non-Ottoman Ashkenazi Jews who immigrated to Palestine from eastern Europe. As the only colony established during the First Aliyah by Sephardic Jews, and also due to its geographical isolation, Har-Tuv was detached from the processes taking place within the other Jewish colonies and the New Yishuv. At the same time, Har-Tuv’s founders had a long tradition of living under Ottoman rule and were on good terms with the local Ottoman authorities in Palestine. This was often useful when the colony had problems with its Arab neighbors, and on several occasions Har-Tuv even served as an intermediary between the Arab rural population and the government.  相似文献   

18.
The two-year occupation of Charleston, South Carolina, during the American Revolution demonstrates that umbrages suffered under military rule played a significant role in turning civilians in the 13 colonies against the British Empire. Despite British attempts to encourage loyalty by giving loyalists a say in government, stabilising the economy and guaranteeing the safety of slave property, Charleston's occupation regime failed to win local hearts and minds due to inconsistent and arbitrary policies, conflicts between military and civilian authorities and the unwillingness of imperial officials to restore full civil government to the province. As a result, South Carolinians lost faith in Charleston's restored royal administration long before British defeat on the battlefield secured American independence.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

The article examines the trajectories of ‘loyal’ African troops in Angola before and after the demise of Portugal's authoritarian regime in 1974. It starts by placing the ‘Africanisation’ drive of the Portuguese counterinsurgency campaign in a historical perspective; it then explores the rocky transition from colonial rule to independence in the territory between April 1974 and November 1975, describing the course of action taken by the Portuguese authorities vis-à-vis their former collaborators in the security forces. A concluding section draws a comparison between the fate of Portugal's loyalists in Angola and the one experienced by similar groups in other ex-Portuguese colonies. The choice of Angola has the advantage of allowing us to look into a complex scenario in which the competition amongst rival nationalist groups, and a number of external factors, helped to produce a more ambiguous outcome for some of the empire's local collaborators than what might have been otherwise expected.  相似文献   

20.
为研究判定ATP(adenosine triphosphate,三磷酸腺苷)生物发光法在文物表面霉菌污染检测中应用可行性、科学性及适用性,利用ATP生物发光法对文物表面50种霉菌的生物发光值进行检测;构建了7种常见霉菌及其混合菌的菌落总数值与ATP生物发光值的线性关系函数,并在对应线性关系下分析了预测菌落总数值与实际值的差异;进一步利用ATP生物发光法评价模拟染霉试样在香茅醛熏蒸处理前后的霉菌数量变化。结果显示:50株待测霉菌中90%霉菌均检出了生物发光值(RLU)。在不同培养条件下,青霉、曲霉、木霉、毛壳菌、枝孢菌以及其混合菌的菌落总数对数值(lg^(CFU/mL))与生物发光对数值(lg^(RLU))之间均呈现了良好的线性关系,相关系数R^(2)>0.9817;在相应的线性关系下,预测的菌落总数值与实际平板计数的菌落总数值具有一致性(P<0.05),说明ATP生物发光法可以对文物表面霉菌进行准确相对定量。此外,香茅醛熏蒸处理组和对照组文物表面霉菌的生物发光值和菌落总数呈现了相同的差异变化趋势,说明ATP生物发光法可以直接用于熏蒸剂抑菌效力的评价。因此,ATP生物发光法在文物霉变检测中具有很高的适用性,同时在文物霉变程度分析及霉变文物消杀处理的效果评价等方面具有良好的应用价值,可为文物微生物病害的防控提供有效的技术支持。  相似文献   

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