首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
Abstract

This article argues for an alternative response to the 'consumer society' hypothesis for 18th-century England, which is seen to focus on large-scale development and obscure the relations between people and objects. Returning to Marx's theories regarding 'consumer fetishism' and utilising Bruno Latour's work on hybrids and the human and the non-human, the paper considers the manner in which people used objects and objects used people. Utilizing the courtesy books and 'it-narratives' of the 18th century and the later works of Jane Austen, the paper argues that goods should not be seen only as commodities.  相似文献   

2.
发展民族教育与构建社会主义和谐社会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文阐释了发展民族教育与构建社会主义和谐社会的关系,影响民族和谐的因素以及通过发展民族教育促进民族地区经济发展、发展民族教育推进民族文化发展和发展民族教育提高少数民族干部培养来为构建社会主义和谐社会提供物质基础、精神支持、组织保证。  相似文献   

3.
4.
5.
The loss of the Tobruk garrison in June 1942 proved to be oneof the worst military disasters suffered by the British Empireduring the Second World War. Following the surrender of Singaporeearlier that same year it represented something of a nadir inpublic confidence about how the war was being conducted. Atthe same time it also threatened the relationship between Britainand one of its Dominion wartime partners, the Union of SouthAfrica. The considerable military force based at Tobruk hadbeen commanded by a young and relatively inexperienced SouthAfrican general and included an entire South African division.The decision to surrender these forces—over 30,000 men—aftera siege lasting less than 48 hours led to allegations of cowardiceand treachery. Winston Churchill meanwhile faced a parliamentaryvote of confidence in his leadership. He ultimately had fewproblems restoring his position and proved adept at resistingcalls for a public enquiry. With the subsequent victory at thefinal battle at E1 Alamein the affair quickly receded from thepublic attention. During the summer of 1942 the possibilityhad however existed of a serious and damaging rift developingwithin the Imperial alliance.  相似文献   

6.
7.
This article will analyze key publications of Guillaume Poncet de la Grave (1725-1803), formerly the monarchy’s representative to the Admiralty Court, who worked during the Ancien Régime to restrict immigration to France, particularly that of people of color. He was also a passionate advocate for French imperial expansion. After the Revolution, in his political tract Réflections on the Unmarried, he expressed his anxiety over a declining French birthrate and a desire to have the state monitor marriage, sexuality, and reproduction in order to increase legitimate births. In this work he identified threats to what he referred to as ‘the purity of the blood’ within and without France, and proposed to the Republic legislation designed to eliminate them. Poncet de la Grave’s career has been largely neglected but his former position merits a closer look at his political writing, which expressed significant, constant objectives that demonstrate thematic continuity over a tumultuous time. French fears of depopulation and national ‘degeneration’ were still strong at the turn of the century, and remain of great interest to historians eager to understand how they were discussed in the context of great historical change.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

An analysis of the material and social implications of the change of dining style from à la Française to à la Russe seen through the perspective of a documented individual, the Countess of Harewood, Diana Elizabeth Smyth, who is making preparations for a formal dinner at Harewood, West Yorkshire. Combining documentary evidence with the surviving material culture, imagined monologues are presented as they might have been delivered by the Countess in 1871, followed by explanatory commentary. The counterpoint texts create a dialogue which allows us to explain, analyse and consider the attitudes, behaviours and meanings of the dining choices made in the past, and how we create our understanding in the present.  相似文献   

9.
雒阳 《旅游纵览》2009,(1):19-21
阿联酋,全称阿拉伯联合酋长国(The United Arab Emirates),位于阿拉伯半岛东部,北濒临波斯湾,西北与卡塔尔为邻、西和南与沙特阿拉伯交界、东和东北与阿曼毗连,石油资源丰富。  相似文献   

10.
Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886 . By T. A.Jenkins. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vi, 328 pp. £32.50.
The Gladstonian Turn of Mind: Essays Presented to J. B. Conacher . Edited by Bruce L. Kinzer. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1985. xv, 294 pp. £35.00.
Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882–93 . By James Loughlin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. 369 pp. No price given.
Parliamentary Politics and the Home Rule Crisis: The British House of Commons in 1886 . By W. C. Lubenow. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vii, 389 pp. £37.50.
The Gladstone Diaries with Cabinet Minutes and Prime Ministerial Correspondence, Volume IX, January 1875-December 1880 . Edited by H. C. G. Matthew. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1986. xcvii, 714 pp. £55.00.
Parnell and the First Home Rule Episode, 1884–87 . By Alan O'Day. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. x, 314 pp. £25.00.  相似文献   

11.
In 1918, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) told American parents that "it is no longer possible for you to choose whether your child will learn about sex or not." According to the PHS, most American boys learned about sex from "improper sources" by the age of nine. The "unfortunate effect of these early impressions" had, PHS warned, not only resulted in a gross misunderstanding of sex, but also been a major factor in the spread of venereal disease (The Parents' Part [the U.S. Public Health Service, 1918], p. 5). To counter and correct this miseducation, PHS joined with the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) to create a sex education program aimed at adolescent boys. Officially launched in the spring of 1919, the "Keeping Fit" campaign provides a unique insight into the federal government's attempt to medicalize and regulate American sexuality through the forum of public health.  相似文献   

12.
13.
It is good to see more work being done on the institutionalising of ‘identity politics’, as in Elizabeth Fells' article ‘The Proliferation of Identity Politics in Australia’ in the March 2003 issue of this journal (Fells 2003). However, some assumptions in that article result in seriously misleading conclusions. I examine these here, taking the example of women's portfolios. Fells uses allocation of ministerial portfolios as an indicator of government responses to identity politics and, following Moon and Fletcher (1988), of policy innovation and policy substance. She acknowledges that governments may respond to demands that they be active in a particular area by creating portfolio responsibilities without establishing separate ministries. She suggests, however, that failure to establish a separate ministry to support the portfolio could be seen as a failure to ‘institutionalise a long-term commitment’. Hence she announces her intention to exclude from her analysis the creation of portfolios without ministries, such as the Commonwealth Status of Women portfolio, for which both the Prime Minister and a Minister Assisting the Prime Minister have responsibility (Fells 2003, 104).  相似文献   

14.
We provide the first full account of the intertwined corporateconflicts and political tensions behind the ‘Nigeria Debate’of 8 November 1916, the beginning of the crisis that toppledthe Asquith coalition The debate had its ongins in an attemptby the Lagos authorities and the Colonial Office to break theemerging monopoly of a ‘Ring’ of British firms overNigerian trade The government sought to encourage foreign (especiallyAmerican) investment with a highly publiazed sale of formerGerman assets. Sir Edward Carson, the recognized leader of politicaldiscontent, took up the firms' agitation against the policy,alleging official neglect of British interests. Bonar Law, whoas Colonial Secretary was the minister responsible, decidedto counter-attack. He argued that Carson, while claiming tobe a disinterested patriot, was defending the private interestsof profiteering firms. Spurning compromise, and demonstratingthat the issue was not a simple tariff reform/free trade choice,Bonar Law treated the debate as a test of Unionist support forhis leadership. Carson's followers privately acknowledged thatBonar Law won; but the strength of Carson's support, even witha bad case, and uncertainties about Lloyd George's position,persuaded Bonar Law that the administration could not continueon its present basis. For Asquith the endgame then began  相似文献   

15.
Janik  Elizabeth 《German history》2004,22(1):76-100
This article investigates the evolution of American and Sovietarts policy in Berlin between 1945 and 1947, with special attentionto the role of music. Music's political ambiguity, and its receptionas at once a uniquely German and international form of artisticexpression, made it an ideal medium through which Allied militaryofficials could project their country's aesthetic ideals andprogrammes for German cultural reform. If Berliners and theirSoviet occupiers largely agreed upon the importance of élitemusical tradition as an expression of national accomplishmentand the mark of a cultured society, American authorities tendedto treat music more as an entertaining, but non-essential diversion.Under the city' quadripartite military administration, it wasdifficult for any one occupation authority to pursue culturalobjectives that were aesthetically or politically more restrictivethan the others. Thus, superpower rivalry initially createdmore opportunities than limitations for Berlin artists. Americanofficers were compelled to consent to more lenient denazificationstandards for musicians than they had initially intended, whilethe Soviets permitted and even encouraged modernist musicalexperiments in their sector of occupation. In competition witheach other and seeking the loyalties of their German charges,the Allies encouraged Berlin to become a lively—and heavilysubsidized—city of the arts.  相似文献   

16.
17.
18.
康永超 《攀登》2008,27(3):84-86
当代社会正在演化为时尚化社会。时尚社会有着时尚的价值观,这种价值观把时尚价值看作最高的价值,是对只考虑主体的需要、不考虑客体的利益的传统价值观的极度张扬。由于时尚价值在时尚社会里被过度追逐,带来了严重的生态问题和社会问题。贯彻落实科学发展观,促进人与自然的和谐和人与人的和谐,必须转换传统的价值观,确立一种既考虑主体的需要又考虑客体的利益的和谐价值观。  相似文献   

19.
Maine was the most important English figure in a generation of legal theorists who founded the comparative study of “early”; social institutions. He assumed that all the Indo‐Germanic speaking peoples began their development with the same social forms. Early Roman law and contemporary Hindu custom encapsulated primitive Indo‐European institutions, notably the patriarchal family and the communal organisation of property rights. Maine's arguments were developed in part as a contribution to contemporary political debate, especially with reference to the Indian Empire. His work drew on the models of philology, German legal history, and English constitutional history.  相似文献   

20.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号