中国近代化进程中的香山买办

在中国近代史舞台上,买办是一个重要的角色。上世纪的很长时间里,出于政治斗争的需要,特别是在毛泽东的著作中多次提及买办的性质特征,将其列为革命的对象,称为买办资产阶级、官僚买办阶级,指出“在经济落后的半殖民地的中国,地主阶级和买办阶级完全是国际资产阶级的附庸。”因此,买办长期处于被批判、被否定的地位,直至本世纪初出版的不少权威著作,仍持这一观点。例如,认定买办资产阶级“这个阶级在近代中国的社会经济结构中,和外国资产阶级结成直接的人身雇佣关系或直接的资本合作关系;他们处在投靠、勾结和支持外国资产阶级入侵中国的帮凶者的‘地位’。在外国资产阶级的操纵、指使和庇护之下,发挥为外国资产阶级积累资本的‘方式’以积累自己的资本”。     

贵州工人运动史简述

贵州工人阶级产生以来,就有其自身的光辉历史。它的诞生、发展、壮大的历程,就是不断证明工人阶级与工人运动对社会发展具有强大推动力的历程。早在1900年秋,贵州万山的矿工们为了反对外国资本主义势力掠夺贵州矿产资源,反对他们的压榨剥削,就英勇地同“英法水银公司”的洋人们进行了斗争,并使清政府从“英法水银公司”收回了采矿权,取得了斗争的胜利。这充分显示了贵州工人阶级在维护主权、反抗外国殖民者道恐莨と私准兜牟驮缙诠と硕氛笾莸淖时局饕寰檬窃?840年鸦片战争以后萌芽和发展起来的。外国资本主义的入侵．使中国原…     

从资本家阶级在辛亥革命中的实际表现谈辛亥革命的实质

文章从资本家阶级在辛亥革命中的实际表现这个角度来探讨这次革命的实质.作者认为资本家阶级事实上是君主立宪派而不是革命派的阶级基础.但在辛亥革命高潮中资本家阶级没有游离于革命斗争之外,不但如此,资本家阶级还利用革命党人在国内根基甚浅的现实使革命后来的发展远离了革命纲领.辛亥革命象一场暴风雨冲跨了早已腐烂的老房子--清王朝,但它却没能建立起真正的资产阶级共和国.革命之后中国有的仅仅是“民国“的招牌.因而辛亥革命实质上是一场推翻了满清的暴动,就其结果来说还谈不上是资产阶级的民主革命,尽管其三民主义的革命纲领充分体现了资产阶级的民主革命性.     

清末地方自治新论

地方自治最早产生于西欧，是英国资产阶级革命初期资产阶级为反对封建专制而提出的一种与中央集权政治相对立的地方分权思想与制度。这一政治主张在中国最早由黄遵宪在戊戌变法时期提出，但由于变法的迅速破产，未能引起人们的共鸣。清廷推行“新政”和“预备立宪”以后，在资产阶级立宪派的极力主张下，加之清政府出于维护自身利益的考虑，地方自治成了清廷仿行宪政的重要措施，并在开展的过程中出现了地方官府直接督导、资产阶级立宪派参与和资产阶级立宪派自发倡办、地方官府认可两种类型。清末地方自治的明显特征是内容上的完整性和实施上的冒进性。     

试论郑观应的教育思想

1840年鸦片战争之后,以魏源为代表的一批地主阶级有识人士,从儒家“经世致用”的思想出发,要求改革吏治和向西方学习,萌发了最初的改良主义思想。洋务运动的兴起,把向西方学习从口号变成了实际行动。也促进了中国资本主义工商业的产生和逐步发展。这期间,通过京师同文馆等机构出版翻译著作,驻外使节、出访考察使团、留学生等介绍情况,使有些中国人对西方文化的认识有所加深,从一个新的角度看到了中国同西方的一些差距。他们提出在不改革封建统治的前提下对封建的政治、经济、文化进行资产阶级性质的改革,从而形成了以冯桂芬、王韬、薛福成、马建忠、郑观应等为代表的资产阶级改良主义思想。     

论郑观应的商务法律思想

鸦片战争后,中国的经济状况也发生了巨大变化,西方列强借助武力迫使清政府签署为数众多的不平等条约,从而在华攫取各种经济特权,日益控制中国的经济命脉,使得中国民族商人和企业在封建专制制度和帝国主义压迫下艰难维生。郑观应作为一名资产阶级改良派思想家,同时又是一名具有爱国情感的民族资本家,其从多年的商务实践出发,将发展工商业看作富强的基本手段,主张清政府“重商”、“护商”,通过“商战”与西方资本主义国家一较长短。     

封建买办政权还是资产阶级政府?——1912～1915年北京政府性质新议

1912～1915年间的北京政府,是资产阶级政府而不是封建买办政权.第一,北京政府虽然实行总统独裁制度,但仍然属于资产阶级政体的一种形式,只不过更趋保守而已.第二,不少资产阶级的著名人物参加了北京政府,在政府中发挥了重要作用.第三,北京政府制定了一系列的发展资本主义工商业的政策、措施和法令法规,这些政策、法令、法规代表了资产阶级的利益.正因为北京政府的政策、法规、法令代表了资产阶级的利益,所以得到了资产阶级的拥护.第四,执政的北洋集团的性质是资产阶级的,属于资产阶级的一个政治派别.     

1840——1864年中国的买办商人

初级中学历史课本中国历史第三册第一章第五节,在分析鸦片战后中国社会内部的阶级情况逐渐发生变化时,提到“开始出现了为外国资本家服务的买办商人。”这一提法,基本上是正确的。毛泽东同志说:“自从1840年鸦片战争以后,中国一步一步地变成了一个半殖民地半封建的社会。”在分析殖民地、半殖民地、半封建社会的一些特点时,毛泽东同志曾明确指出这些特点之一就是:“封建时代的自给自足的自然经济基础——地主阶级对农民的剥削,不但依旧保持着,而且同买办资本和高利贷资本的剥削结合在一起,在中国的社会经济生活中,占著显然的优势。”但是,初级中     

陈炯明与十月革命

俄国十月革命以前，以孙中山为首的中国资产阶级民主革命派先后发动了辛亥革命、二次革命、反袁护国运动、护法运动，但一直未能将中国建成资产阶级民主共和国，中国旧民主主义革命已经到了走投无路的地步。而1914年开始爆发的第一次世界大战又暴露了西方资本主义的弊病和帝国主义的野蛮，使当时中国民主主义者孙中山、陈炯明这些人对自己多年奋斗的目标开始产生怀疑与动摇。     

“三反”运动的点滴回忆

解放后,随着私营工商业的发展,资本家中的一些不法分子为了获取高额利润,采取向国家干部行贿等种种非法手段向工人阶级进攻.在资产阶级的腐蚀下,部分国家干部沾染和滋长了贪污、浪费和官僚主义的习气,有的甚至蜕变为资产阶级的代理人.面对这种情况,党中央及时作出了在全国党政机关工作人员中,开展一场反对贪污、反对浪费、反对官僚主义的“三反”运动.     

The Maritime Nature of the Wars for Vietnam (1945-1975): A Geo-Historical Reflection

Abstract

But there is another form of reaction … called Bonapartism. Bonapartism is the necessary form of state in a country where the working class, at a high level of development in the towns but numerically inferior to the small peasants in rural areas, has been defeated in a great revolutionary struggle by the capitalist class, the petty bourgeoisie and the army.     

The evolution of the Chinese Communist Party's policy on the bourgeoisie (1949–1952)

From its very beginning, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had a shifting policy towards the bourgeoisie. Until the early 1940s, it maintained a relatively stable policy which successfully isolated the monied classes in China and helped it overthrow the rule of the KMT. But with the establishment of the new regime, the CCP Central Committee came under conflicting pressures: on the one hand it continued its former policy out of political expediency; on the other hand, based on traditional socialist political theory and Soviet experience, it kept a close watch on the bourgeoisie and even proposed targeting them as the chief enemy of next revolution. After the establishment of the PRC, as a result of the failing economy and the new government's lack of economic support and political experience, the CCP firmed up its policies on the bourgeoisie. However, with the bourgeoisie and capitalism still prominent elements in Chinese society, the communists became uncertain about which direction to take. As the CCP Central Committee had anticipated, officials of both the party and the government often gave way to corruption after taking over major cities. The Central Committee regarded this particular combination of money and power as a “violent attack” against the new communist regime by the bourgeoisie as a whole. In order to tighten its grip on national power, the Central Committee launched two anti‐corruption movements known as the Three‐Antis and the Five‐Antis. These movements were in fact aimed at the bourgeoisie as a whole, and succeeded in destroying the basis for capitalist business in the New China. Encouraged by this outcome, the CCP launched a policy of socialist transformation aimed at depriving Chinese capitalists of their means of production. Thus the CCP gradually and inevitably moved away from its original policy of cooperation with the national bourgeoisie.     

日语交际语汇的文化内涵

“おはょぅこさぃます”（早上好）“こんにらは”（中午好）、“こんぱんは”（晚上好）“こ苦労様”(您辛苦了)等是日语中最常见、使用频率最高的寒暄语。这些看似简单的用语往往被外国的学习者用错(包括中国的学习者在内)。究其原因不外乎有两个方面：一是受母语的影响所致;二是对寒暄语境,特别是对文化内涵缺乏理解。本文拟从这些寒暄语的语境和文化内涵出发做一些探讨。     

平衡的经营--论稻盛和夫的经营策略

任何成功的企业家都有独到的经营策略。稻盛和夫在经营中多次出奇制胜,就因为他采取了“平衡的”经营策略。本文结合实例分析了“平衡的经营”的作用以及这种策略和日本民族性格的关系。通过比较日本人“平衡的资质”和中国人的“中庸之道”,本文还为分析中日两国对待外来文化的态度提供了新的视角。     

Socialism with Chinese characteristics: China and the theory of the initial stage of socialism

The development of Chinese thinking on social ism is traced through from the recognition in the 1950s that it was at an early stage, transi tional to a higher, developed form. The theory of the initial stage in recent years is seen as giving some theoretical content to the concept often employed by Deng Xiaoping of ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’, although Deng has avoided its use. It is argued that the theory of the initial stage does provide some doctrinal underpinning for a range of practical and pragmatic policies not otherwise seen as particularly socialist in their nature. At the same time the theory seeks to assure domestic and foreign groups involved in current economic reform measures that these policies have a solid grounding in theory and will not be reversed on a whim by either this or some subsequent leadership group.     

The periphery revisited: Polish post-war historiography on the working class and the new global labour history

This paper explores the characteristics of post-war Polish historiography on the working class and relates it to current trends in global labour history. Although, in Poland, labour history never existed as a separate field, many historians focused their studies on either working-class history or the history of the workers’ movement. After 1945, Polish historiography was circumscribed by political and ideological considerations; however – except during the brief Stalinist period (1951–56) – Marxist methodology was not imposed or applied uncritically. In fact, discussions about the role of the working class in history that began after 1956 generated research interest in new groups of workers and labour relations. Much of this research concerns recently highlighted aspects of labour history, such as marginal groups of workers or free versus unfree labour. Polish historians’ reinterpretation of Marxist orthodoxy proceeded from their empirical studies of nineteenth-century Polish lands – at the periphery of Western capitalist development – as well as from their theoretical influences. This article argues that some aspects of the Polish historiography on the working class qualify it as part of labour history’s heritage, despite the historiography’s significant limitations.     

San Juan,the Fragile City: Finance Capital,Class, and the Making of Puerto Rico's Economic Crisis

This paper narrates Puerto Rico's fiscal and financial crisis through a reading of San Juan's urban landscape. We underscore the role of capital in the city, primarily embodied by the local capitalist class (the Criollo bloc) and foreign capitalists. Historically excluded from the manufacturing sector (dominated by US capitalists), the Criollo bloc accumulates its wealth by concentrating financial assets in the city. In times of crisis, the Criollo bloc resorts to the acquisition of new assets and asset exchange with foreign capitalists to remain solvent and provide short‐term solutions to the state's fiscal and financial limits. The survival of the local capitalist class, we demonstrate, is dependent on asset stripping. Drawing on Clyde Woods, we document how asset stripping unevenly redistributes wealth and risks along class and racial lines within a colonial economy. The finance capital/asset stripping basis of San Juan's economy renders it an extremely fragile city, we contend.     

International Celebrities and Irish Identity in the United States and Beyond, 1840–1860

This article uses Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony to analyze how a relatively small Irish-American bourgeoisie legitimated its authority over the broader Irish ethnic community during the antebellum era. As part of the massive wave of immigrants that left Ireland during and after the Great Famine of the mid-1840s, the Irish Catholic middle class was saddled with a dually marginal status. On the one hand, its members maintained only tenuous authority over the hundreds of thousands of peasants and laborers that made up the bulk of the Irish-American community. On the other hand, they were deeply distrusted by important elements of native American society that associated them with the supposed superstition, laziness, and violence of their lower-class fellow countrymen. The bourgeoisie responded by using the celebrity status of Irish political exiles to achieve the twin project of simultaneously obscuring intra-ethnic class tensions while proving its suitability for American domestic politics. Famous personalities and the editors who lauded them employed celebrity to consolidate their leadership status in America.     

The theory and implementation of the People's Republic of China's revolutionary diplomacy

The foreign relations of modern China, starting from the birth of the People's Republic in 1949 until the Cultural Revolution, can be said to have had continuous ups and downs and twists and turns. Its underlying abstruse principles, while stemming from nationalism, contained for the most part the Chinese Communist Party's own revolutionary principles and individual revolutionary experiences. The Chinese Communist revolution was based on class analysis and class conflict, on struggle and ideology. This ideology determined how China viewed itself and the world; no views could be separated from the ideology of class struggle and class analysis. The leadership's adherence to this type of ideology led to the long-term instability of China's diplomacy. Though those who, like Mao Zedong, employed class revolution in order to seize political power while viewing class analysis, class struggle, and in particular the success of using class ideology in a united front policy as the magic wand of the revolution's success, were singularly able to adapt such views to China's foreign policy and diplomacy. This became the fundamental red line for China's foreign policy.     

British Diplomacy,Propaganda, and War Strategy and the Hungarian-Romanian Dispute over Transylvania in 1939–40

Abstract

Between 1914 and 1935, the cities of Vienna and Pressburg/Bratislava were linked by an electric railway known as the Pressburgerbahn. More than just a line of transportation, the railway became intertwined with the complex politics of identity in Pressburg. The Pressburgerbahn presented nationalists in the Habsburg Empire with a dilemma: it had the potential to contribute to the unification of the nation, but at the same time was transnational by definition. This paradox generated a heated controversy about the Pressburgerbahn between Magyar nationalists and the predominantly German-speaking Pressburg bourgeoisie. Using biologized rhetoric, Hungarian politicians and journalists portrayed their nation as a body politic that was disfigured by having a railway ‘vein’ cross the border into Austria, in particular from such a peripheral location as Pressburg. By contrast, the discourse of the German-speaking bourgeoisie was firmly anchored in an imperial, supra-ethnic landscape. This controversy was replayed following the incorporation of the renamed city of Bratislava into Czechoslovakia in 1919: the Prague-based Ministry of Railways employed the rhetoric of the railway as an integrating structure within the body politic, while the eventual closure of the Pressburgerbahn in 1935 was closely connected to the belated nationalization of Bratislava. The railway to Vienna thus became a symbol of the liminal status of the town as a whole, in terms of nation, geography, politics and culture.