精英、舆论与外交:华盛顿会议期间的国民外交代表

1921年底,余日章和蒋梦麟作为国民外交代表参与华盛顿会议。他们对中国政府代表团进行舆论监督,力促政府代表早日提出山东问题。当会外谈判成为现实后,他们又力促政府代表早日解决山东问题;并利用各种渠道构建一个舆论宣传网络,努力维护中国的国家形象,揭露日本侵略中国权利的实际情形。余日章、蒋梦麟在华盛顿会议期间的国民外交活动堪称1920年代初期中国精英利用公众舆论影响政府外交的一个典型。     

Dreaming as a critical discourse of national belonging: China Dream,American Dream and world dream

This article explores the normative politics of national belonging through an analysis of the ‘China Dream’ and the ‘American Dream’. It traces how politicians and public intellectuals employ such slogans to highlight how national dreams emerge in times of crisis and involve a combination of aspirations and anxieties. It compares parallel rhetorical strategies – ‘patriotic worrying’ in China and the American Jeremiad in the US – to examine how belonging to these two nations involves a nostalgic longing for the past as a model for the future. Debates about the meaning of these national dreams highlight the tension between freedom and equality in the US, between the individual and the collective in China, and between longing for the true nation, and belonging in the actual nation for both countries. It concludes that while this quest for redemption through past models limits opportunities for critical discourse in China, the American Dream still contains much ‘promise’. The China Dream and the American Dream thus are, at the same time, 1) familiar expressions of nationalism and national belonging, and 2) ongoing self/Other coherence‐producing performances that help us to question received notions of nationalism and national belonging.     

Domestic troubles,national identity discourse,and China's attitude towards the West, 2003–2012

Prior to its recent, much discussed international ‘assertiveness’, China's attitude to the West had deteriorated, as reflected in official discourse of national identity. Drawing from political science and social psychology literature on identity studies, I argue that the discursive pattern of national identity can shift as a function of an elite strategy to exclude internal others through opposition to foreign others. Internally exclusionary nationalism, often employed by elites during major crises, is instrumental to consolidating control and maintaining order. But when targeting internal opponents alone is politically inconvenient or lacks public resonance, elites will accentuate ethnocentric national identity discourse vis‐a‐vis foreign nations in order to reinforce internal battles and divert popular discontent externally. An interpretive analysis of the official texts of Chinese national identity discourse during the Hu Jintao decade, supplemented by quantitative data, shows a significant correlation between the regime's fear of internal instability and bottom‐up political opposition on the one hand and the timing and intensity of ethnocentric identity discourse regarding the West on the other. The party‐state negatively framed the West in order to shift the blame for domestic troubles onto foreigners and discredit internal resistance.     

The uncertain state of islands: national identity and the discourse of islands in nineteenth-century Britain and Greece

This paper explores some of the ways in which the island was mapped into the British and Greek national imaginaries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From at least the seventeenth century the island, like the body, served as a model for the organisation of knowledge. The island functioned as an ideal body politic, in which political and cultural boundaries were congruent and readily defensible from invasion. In politically and geographically fragmented states the island became an important topos for resolving the problematic relations between nation and state, and between local knowledge and national unity. During the nineteenth century, national cultures were increasingly construed as autonomous, self-sustaining island spaces set apart from other communities beyond. From the second half of the century attention was also paid to those authentic ‘islands’ located within the nation-state. In this expanded topographical definition, the ‘island’ came to signify an identifiably different, contained and stable habitat. A relationship was sustained between these distinct spaces within the nation-state and the island as it was represented in biogeographical and evolutionary writings as a site for observing preserved life forms and diversification. Regional studies, for example, celebrated the survival of an indigenous national culture in geographically confined pockets. Emerging disciplines, such as folklore, sought to protect these spaces from the onslaught of a cosmopolitan modernity that threatened to overwhelm them. The island in this sense was a space in which ‘native’ customs might be preserved and, at the same time, a space in which potentially destructive, atavistic forces might be controlled and ultimately domesticated. It is here that the island emerges as an ambivalent, problematic place: at once a refuge and a prison, a place of innocent childhood adventure and of beastly aggression. Focusing on Britain and Greece as comparative case studies, the paper explores how this concern for internal ‘islands’ fed into and was reciprocally influenced by colonial encounters with ‘exotic’ island cultures.     

程敏政统宗谱法与徽州谱法发展

明成化年间程敏政纂修《新安程氏统宗世谱》为徽州谱法以及谱系文化发展的标志性事件,其谱法既强调谱系文献考证的意义,又强调世家统宗的宗法收族主张,对徽州谱法以及谱系文化的发展影响甚大。正是在对程敏政统宗谱法的讨论与批评中,徽州宗族形成了以统宗收族为根本、以存疑存阙为史法的徽州谱法。     

Race,space and moral climatology: notes toward a genealogy

This paper is a contribution to the genealogy of the presupposition that climatic zones and their inhabitants may legitimately be portrayed in the vocabulary of moral judgement. Focusing on four different scholarly domains at different points in time—Enlightenment philosophy, early Victorian anthropology, late nineteenth century tropical medicine, and early twentieth century climatology—it discloses the extent to which intellectual exchange among a Western elite was concerned with the mobilization of «moral climatology» for racial purposes. The persistent and widespread inclination to use climate as the vehicle for moralistic construals of global space is thus demonstrated.     

Nationality and sexuality: homophobic discourse and the ‘national threat’ in contemporary Latvia

ABSTRACT. This article seeks to understand why attitudes towards homosexuality in Latvia appear to be more intolerant than in all other EU member states. It argues that, while the impact of religion, the legacy of communism and post‐communist transition have all played a role in shaping attitudes towards homosexuality in Central and Eastern Europe, these factors do not explain sufficiently the divergence among post‐communist states and, in particular, do not account for Latvia's extreme position. While acknowledging that intolerance towards non‐heteronormative sexuality cannot be explained by a single factor but is the cumulative effect of a range of social influences, this study argues that homosexuality is particularly reviled in Latvia because it has been constructed discursively as a threat to the continued existence of the nation in its desired ethnic form and to the core values defining Latvian national identity.     

Episteme,nation‐builders and national identity: the re‐construction of Irishness*

Abstract. There are many disagreements among the three main paradigms of the nationalism literature. Yet most modernists, ethno‐symbolists and constructivists agree that elites play a key role in inventing and re‐inventing nations. Notwithstanding this insight, none of these schools of thought has generated a compelling answer to the question of why the inventors of a certain nation build, out of an infinite number of possibilities, a particular nationness. Analysing the case of twentieth century Irish identity, this article seeks to shed light on this question by inquiring into the process through which elites come to imagine the nation that they seek to build. I argue that epistemic understandings of the world delineate which kinds of national identity are conceivable for, and plausible to, nation‐building elites.     

史学话语权与20世纪的中国民族史学——兼说10卷本《中国史学思想通史》

20世纪中国社会发生变动,受到西方学术思潮的影响,中国史学进入到近代化时期.西方学术话语处在强势地位,在这样的大背景下,近代史学理论、思想的争论,基本是按照西方的史学理论的热点而展开,也随着西方史学理论的热点的变动而变动.这对扩大研究视野、深化相关的史学认识有一定的意义,但另一面是,民族史学的重要思想失去应有的地位.传统民族史学思想、理论具有重要的价值,是西方史学理论不能完全替代的;民族史学话语权的失落,对于中国史学发展是不利的.进入到21世纪,史学理论发展不能忽视中国民族史学思想的研究".认真总结民族史学思想遗产,对于当代史学具有重大的意义,是振兴民族史学的重要工作,也是民族史学走向世界的基本要求.     

Anthropology's inheritance: renaissance travel,romanticism and the discourse of identity

This article argues that anthropology inherited a series of contradictory imperatives from its origin as a form of travel. The point is made by studying the relationship between the metadiscourse on travel in the early modern period and the metadiscourse of classic anthropology in the twentieth century. Early commentators worried about the effect of travel on identity and argued that extended journeys resulted in a disaffiliation from inherited values. The goal was to acquire new customs, but not to return as a stranger in one's own country. To prevent the negative effects of travel, travellers were urged to fix their identity in advance of departure and to signal their untroubled reincorporation once they came home. In the Romantic era, an alternative emerged in the valuation of travel as an occasion of critique in which the return was attenuated or suspended. As anthropology developed out of earlier forms of travel, it acquired these competing notions of authenticity, at once defending itself against the accusation of abandoning identity while advocating total immersion in the context of fieldwork. Recent theoretical developments in anthropology are examined to ascertain whether the dilemma of priorities has been overcome. While the evidence suggests that this is possible, anthropology has continued to embrace a distinctive seventeenth‐century compromise, adopting unfamiliar customs selectively, without compromising the integrity of identity.     

The discourse of the past: phenomenology,structuralism and historical geography

Historical geography has to be predicated on a critical examination of past and present discourses, and this necessarily involves a rejection of positivist epistemology. This was, in more general terms, the basis of Husserl's critique, but two alternatives to this are the constitutive phenomenology of Alfred Schutz and the linguistic structuralism of Claude Lévi-Strauss. Both present major difficulties. Schutz fails to recognize the necessity of a hermeneutic understanding of past societies and cannot account for the genesis and temporality of meaning, while Lévi-Strauss provides for a formalism which is directed towards the structure of the human mind rather than the historically specific structures of particular discourses. The connections and contrasts between these two positions suggest several ways in which the examination of discourse might be constituted in order to contribute to a structural history.     

论加强民族地区党的先进性建设和执政能力建设

民族地区党的先进性建设和执政能力建设,必然要体现少数民族和民族地区的特点,必须结合各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展的伟大实践。只有紧紧围绕贯彻党的民族政策、加强民族团结、维护祖国统一和加快民族地区经济社会全面发展的实践,才能使民族地区党的先进性建设和执政能力建设得以真正实现。     

Gendered images of the German nation: the Romantic painter Friedrich Kersting and the patriotic‐national discourse during the Wars of Liberation

ABSTRACT. The article analyses the oeuvre of Friedrich Kersting (1875–1847), a now largely forgotten Romantic painter, and other gendered images of the German nation that were created among his circle of friends but also in the wider context of the patriotic‐national discourse during the Prussian Wars of Liberation. The paper combines the findings of art historical research with those of history and cultural studies. In so doing, it deconstructs gendered images of the nation in the patriotic‐national discourse during the Wars of Liberation and their political importance during that time. The main focus of the analysis is the interrelationship between visual imagery, discursively formed patriotic‐national concepts in the topical literature, cultural practices and individual experience.