20世纪五六十年代中国国防工业优先发展研究

新中国成立之初,受近代中国屡遭列强欺凌影响,同时基于国家安全与统一的现实考量,党和政府把大力发展国防工业作为工业化建设的重要内容。围绕建立独立、完整国防工业体系的目标,确立立足国内开发和生产武器的产业政策,集中规划,统一管理;重视技术引进、吸收和自主创新;并确定重点领域,加速尖端武器的研制、生产。同时,以"两弹一星"精神为核心的军工文化提供了巨大的精神动力和激励作用,有助于国防科技自主创新能力的培育。新中国在短时间内建立起比较完备的国防工业体系,基本实现全部常规武器的进口替代,并在尖端武器领域实现重大突破。不论纵向比较还是横向比较,这一阶段新中国国防工业都呈现快速发展的态势。     

抗战前兵器工业标准化简析

兵器装备作为一个特殊的产品,具有与一般民品不同的质量特性,质量要求极为特殊,加之近代武器的结构复杂,参与生产的单位较多,实行标准化管理对确保兵器质量和促进兵器工业的发展都有着相当重要的意义。本文将从标准化方面对抗战前中国兵器工业的发展状况进行简单分析。1931年4月,国民政府实业部工业司公布了《中国工业标准委员会简章》,同年12月成立了中国工业标准委员会,统一管理标准化工作[1]。标志着中国工业标准化的建立。1932年和1934年两次兵器制式化的讨论,促进了兵器工业的标准化工作的开展。为组织制式兵器的生产,兵工署从国外引进…     

皖口之战与宋太祖朝军事装备的革新

北宋与南唐间的皖口之战,不仅决定了南唐政权最终覆灭的命运,也是一次以火箭、猛火油机等当时最新式武器相对抗为突出特色的典型战例。宋军能够夺得战役的胜利,与宋太祖重视火药武器的研发密不可分,更集中体现了宋太祖整顿军工生产和革新军事装备所取得的成果。宋太祖朝乃至整个宋代的武器革新,集中体现在远射武器的进步上,这既有武器发展的自身规律,也与尚武之风愈来愈弱的宋代文化特质紧密相连。     

大王庄锄奸记

<正>敌人自然也懂得堡垒最容易从内部攻破的道理。军工生产单位的特殊性当然也最惹敌人“重视”。在新四军各个军工部门,在每个不同的时期,都发生过敌特机关派遣特务混入军工部内部的事。有的特务是来了解和破坏军工试制生产的新式武器,有的特务是妄图谋害军工生产单位的领导人和技术骨干。为此,对军工部重要机密和重要人员的保卫与锄奸工作,也是新中国二师军工部党总支书记柏林的一项重要而特殊的工作。也就在日军投降之前,柏林和保卫部的同志一起,及时破获了新四军二师军工部工务科发生的一次特务案件。     

俞大维与华罗庚交往的一段秘闻

在我国艰苦卓绝的八年抗战史上,兵工专家俞大维并不很引人注目,然而他以自己的过人才智领导科技人员研制并改进国产山炮、迫击炮等武器,发展战时军工生产,为抗日战争胜利作出了重大贡献。俞大维长期担任国民政府军政部     

兵工专家俞大维三次险遭日谍暗杀

在我国艰苦卓绝的八年抗战史上，兵工专家俞大维并不引人注目，然而他以自己的过人才智，领导科技人员研制并改进国产山炮、迫击炮等武器，发展战时军工生产，为抗日战争作出了独特的重大贡献。俞大维早年长期生活工作在南京，     

射而不中反求诸己

要在纷乱之中命中目标,关键在于专注的精神和正心正体的态度古代中国的射艺已经超越了"器",而达到"道"的境界。"弓不在力而在德"为古代射者的格言。习射者要在纷乱之中精确地命中目标,关键在于专注的精神及正心正体的态度。始于先秦时期的"乡射礼"是儒家创制的中国古代最早的体育运动。但它不仅仅是技巧与体力的角逐,而是将运动的目的提高到了身心与体魄和谐发展的层面。儒家的经典《礼记·射义》中说,所谓射,就是寻     

北安庆华工具厂述论

北安庆华工具厂,是我国创建的唯一冲锋枪厂,经历了80余年变迁的老军工企业,为二十世纪重要的工业遗存之一,建国后我军所用制式轻武器大部分出于该厂,在保卫国家安全和机电产品出口创汇及亚运奥运赛场夺冠等方面立下汗马功劳。本文主要论述了该厂的历史沿革、主要产品及在我国军工史上的重要地位。     

简述鹤岗市东北解放战争军工基地

<正>黑龙江省鹤岗市在建国前称"兴山市"是东北解放战争的大后方,当时"原东北电影制片厂"、"原东北医科大学"和"东北解放战争军工基地"都呈入住鹤岗市,为东北解放做出了突出的贡献,由其是"军工生产基地"为东北解放战争制作输送了大量的枪弹、手榴弹、子弹头等武器装备,为解放战争的胜利做出了巨大贡献。随着解放战争的节节胜利,前线战场对子弹、手榴弹的需求量猛增,急需在较稳定的后方建立军工生产基地。1947年2月,东北     

清政府在澳设领与早期中澳关系

清政府在澳设领与早期中澳关系张秋生清廷于１８６１年设立了中国历史上第一个专掌外交事务的机构一总理各国事务衙门，迈出了中国外交制度近代化的第一步。１８７６年清廷在伦敦建立了第一个常使公使馆，向英国派出了第一位使臣，并相继在美、日、德、法、俄等国设立使馆...     

德国与南京政府时期之军事变革研究

南京政府建立之际,日患渐重。对此,从1928年到1938年,在德国军事顾问的协助下,紧跟世界潮流,在武器装备更新、军队编制调整、军事教育等领域进行了大幅度的军事变革,使中国的军事发展适应了机械化战争的需要,也为即将到来的抗日战争奠定了坚实的物质基础。     

太平洋战争爆发后伪满的金融统制

太平洋战争爆发后,中国东北地区成为日本战争经济所需的重要战略物资的供给基地。为满足日本的战争需要,伪满政权采取了一系列金融管制措施,使得日伪在中国东北地区的金融统制较此前更加严酷。本文从统一汇兑巩固“元元等价”、统制资金促进战争产业发展、强制储蓄直接剥夺劳动收入、管制利率强迫共同融资削弱金融机构经营自主权、改革《满洲中央银行法》消除央行独立性等角度全面分析太平洋战争爆发后日伪如何强化对中国东北地区的金融统制。     

‘The Sustenance of Salisbury’ in the era of Decolonization: The Portuguese Politics of Neutrality and the Rhodesian Oil Embargo, 1965–7

This article investigates Denmark's international legal status during the Second World War. In exploring this theme it brings together two emergent research perspectives on twentieth-century international political history: (1) a growing interest in small states as actors and active interpreters of international political events in times of crisis and war; and (2) a focus on international law as an independent and so far underexplored research theme. From this double perspective the article highlights and analyses the unprecedented and unparalleled character of the legal relationship between Denmark and Germany after the German occupation of Denmark in April 1940. In doing so it places particular focus on how this situation was viewed and conceptualised by Danish politicians and legal experts. Thus it explores the complex entanglement of politics and law that characterised Danish attempts to bring about and consolidate the particular peaceful and ‘normal’ relationship with Germany as well as efforts to change this relationship and make Denmark a belligerent state. By analysing the four concepts of neutrality, non-belligerence, peaceful occupation, and war the article shows how these legal concepts served as political instruments that were pushed forward by competing and changing understandings of Denmark's international position and interests during the war. But it also shows how these legal conceptualisations were fundamentally structured by the general international legal and political developments of the war (the deterioration of neutrality and the emergence of long-term military occupation and guerrilla warfare throughout Europe). And it demonstrates how they gradually took on a life of their own and came to frame and shape perceptions of Denmark's international position - both among Danish politicians and bureaucrats during the Second World War and among historians to this day.     

The Field Artillery Revolution and the European Military Balance, 1890–1914

ABSTRACT

This article centres on the introduction of the French 75mm light field gun, and its impact on the European military balance in the two decades before the First World War. It argues that the 75mm (and particularly its new recoil-absorption mechanism) dramatically accelerated the rate of fire and gave France a major military advantage over Germany between c. 1899 and 1906. Subsequently the application of the new technology to howitzers and heavy artillery enabled Germany to redress the balance. On the eve of war, however, Germany's leaders feared a new round of French and Russian emulation, and this fear influenced their policy in the July 1914 crisis. The article also examines the failure to forestall the quick-firing revolution at the First Hague Peace Conference; the new technology's role in the First Moroccan Crisis; its dissemination across Europe and the Franco-German competition to amass reserves of shells.     

Neutrality and submarine warfare: Germany and Spain during the First World War

The Spanish government maintained official neutrality during the Great War because deviating from neutrality would supposedly endanger the nation’s already limited political and social stability and even threaten the survival of the monarchic regime. In August 1914 there were no direct Spanish interests in the conflict and no benefit to be obtained from any intervention by Spain, which was very weak in military terms and in the international arena. Nevertheless, Spain’s geographic location and its commercial dependence on the Entente made it especially vulnerable to the pressures of France and Great Britain, both of which attempted to take advantage of the services that Spain could offer in the economic war; Spain’s importance increased with the prolongation of the fight. Germany, in contrast, could not hope for more from Spain than its strict neutrality because of its highly important political and economic ties with the Entente and its defencelessness before England and France, from which Germany could not protect it. Because Germany could not wait for Spain’s participation next to her, the primary target of German diplomacy had to be to resist the influence of the Entente and maintain Spanish neutrality while preventing Spain from inclining towards favouring the Allies. To achieve this objective, Berlin fed, with vague promises, the idea that a Spanish collaboration would be rewarded with the annexation of some territories. On this basis, we can begin to study German–Spanish relations during the Great War, which came to be determined by incidents that were caused by the submarine war. The dependence on the Entente also helps to explain the last evolution of the relations between Germany and Spain, which could follow no other policy than that imposed by the final development of the war: taking up a position near the winners and distancing from, and nearly rupturing ties with, Germany. Using both Spanish and German documentation allows us to reach different conclusions that aim to contribute substantially to understanding the relationship between Spain and Germany during the Great War.     

华北革命根据地的军婚保护制度与实践困局

抗日战争及解放战争时期,中共华北各抗日根据地及解放区政府相继颁布了具有现代性的新型婚姻条例,以推进传统婚姻制度改革,其中军婚作为一种非普通婚姻自有其特殊规定。军婚纠纷处理既要考量前线战士的军事积极性,又要关切军人配偶的生产、生活、生理需求;既要兼顾婚姻立法中所体现的"婚姻自由"原则,又要遵循"一切服务于战争"的总方针。如此则无可避免地陷入立法规范与司法实践的困局,而且这种情形直至新中国成立之前均无法彻底破解。不过,此时之军婚改革与实践对现代军婚制度的确立和发展具有丰富的经验意义。     

1906—1931年日俄经济势力在东北地区的空间推移——以港口、铁路、货物运销范围的变化为视角

日俄战争造成的南北满地理概念, 仅是以条约形式划定的非区域实体的空间分界范围。1906—1931年, 日本通过港口和铁路线的建设, 使其经济势力逐渐从东北南部扩大到东北北部; 同时, 俄国 (1921 年以后为苏联) 在东北北部的经济势力范围则逐步退缩。随着港口—铁路网的完善, 1931 年后日本确立了在整个东北地区的经济霸权。     

Russian War Propaganda in the United States during the First World War

The article examines Russian governmental efforts to positively shape public opinion in the United States towards the Russian war effort. In late 1916, a small information service, the Nord-Ziud Agency, was established in New York with the task of influencing press coverage by supplying American publications with interesting and favorable information about Russia and its army. However, meager financial support, the unwillingness of the military authorities to frankly share information, and their failure to understand what would interest American readers all undercut this novel propaganda effort.     

Australia’s new alliance dynamics,US–China rivalry and conflict entrapment in outer space

Canberra’s exposure to great-power conflict is arguably more complex and ambiguous than during the Cold War. Drawing from scholarly literature on entrapment and recent developments in outer-space security, this article explores Australia’s position in a hypothetical US–China war over Taiwan. The shifting military balance in outer space, recent war games by the US military and regional trends in defence planning all raise the possibility of a scenario opening with Chinese cyberattacks against information networks shared between Australia and the USA. As a result of its growing dependency on space systems, Australia may be entrapped in a novel way which poses questions for scholars and policymakers. These findings should encourage further study of regional crisis management, with the need for a shared understanding of strategic behaviour in outer space and cybernetworks.     

General Roatta's war against the partisans in Yugoslavia: 1942

During General Mario Roatta's tenure as commander of the Italian 2nd Army in Yugoslavia, he faced a mounting Communist insurgency. To defeat the partisan forces of Tito, he resorted to proactive politics and a strategy of counter-insurgency. Owing to Italian military weakness and his army's lack of training in guerrilla warfare, Roatta was not averse to enlisting the services of Orthodox Serbs in Croatia, who the previous year had asked for Italian protection after a fearful massacre had been unleashed against them by Mussolini's handpicked ruler in Zagreb, the Croatian Usta?a leader Ante Paveli?. Against the wishes of the Fascist government in Rome, Roatta armed Serbs (called ?etniks) because they agreed to assist the Italian legions in fighting the partisans, their common ideological foe. But as Yugoslavia descended into civil war – one triggered by the Axis invasion – Roatta paid a price for his freelance pro-Serb politicking by alienating Zagreb, irritating the Germans, and dismaying his superiors in Rome. Italian policy was reduced to a tug-of-war between the Fascist empire-builders surrounding Mussolini and the military command in Yugoslavia, and Roatta became enmeshed in a cobweb of intrigues involving Croats, ?etniks and Germans. Apart from political manoeuvring, Roatta, in the ineluctable necessity of defeating the partisans, devised a detailed strategy of counter-insurgency. On 1 March 1942, he circulated a pamphlet entitled ‘3C’ among his commanders that spelled out military reform and draconian measures to intimidate the Slav populations into silence by means of summary executions, hostage-taking, reprisals, internments and the burning of houses and villages. By his reckoning, military necessity knew no choice, and law required only lip service. Roatta's merciless suppression of partisan insurgency was not mitigated by his having saved the lives of both Serbs and Jews from the persecution of Italy's allies Germany and Croatia. Under his watch, the 2nd Army's record of violence against the Yugoslav population easily matched the German. Tantamount to a declaration of war on civilians, Roatta's ‘3C’ pamphlet involved him in war crimes.