简析东晋门阀士族

东晋由侨姓士族和吴姓士族共同支持建立起来的,侨姓门阀士族在东晋门阀政治中发挥了主导支配地位,通过与皇族联姻,把持中央政治与军事大权,形成了皇族与侨姓门阀士族"共天下"的局面,奠定了东晋门阀政治的基本格局,维持了东晋百年政治。     

东晋寻阳陶氏家族的变迁

本文考察了东晋时期寻阳陶侃家族的历程。以陶称之死为分界 ,陶氏在东晋经历了从武到文、从军功走向隐逸的变迁。东晋初期南土将领与侨姓士族矛盾重重 ,陶侃因受侨姓士族排挤曾“潜有异志”。陶侃死后 ,陶称被诛 ,陶氏深受打击。此后以陶范为代表的陶氏后人曾努力想进入东晋主流社会 ,但由于出身关系而遭排挤 ,最终衰落。至东晋后期 ,陶氏以隐逸人物闻于史。陶潜和陶延寿在晋宋之际有振作的迹象 ,但侨人政治的现实使他们最终失望。在东晋侨人政治的传统下 ,陶氏的历程对于南方寒族来说具有典型意义。     

简论唐初江南士族婚姻观念的转变

东晋南朝时期江南士族盛行门第婚,但在山东等士族门第婚盛行的唐代初期社会中却淡化了传统婚姻观念,走上务实进取的风格。这应该是在政坛上渐渐活跃的江南士族的适应性努力的表现。     

刘宋统治阶级的内部关系与刘宋政权的兴亡

一、刘宋政权建立初期的政治局面 南朝第一代刘宋政权的建立一方面是以刘裕为代表的京口寒门士族打破两晋以来门阀世族对国家政权垄断的结果,另一方面又是寒门士族与高门士族相互妥协、相互结合的结果。由于这种原因,刘宋政权建立伊始,其统治阶级内部关系较之东晋时期就更为复杂,因而也就孕育了更深刻的危机。 东晋政权为高门士族所左右,从过江之初的“王与马共天下”直到桓玄代晋称帝,强臣慑主,王权积弱的局面始终没有改变。司马氏政权积弱而亡的过程是刘裕亲历亲见的,如何避免这种局面再     

谢玄：从“芝兰玉树”到“冠军将军”

正中古时代,门阀政治大行其道,在东晋时也达到了巅峰之境。所谓东晋门阀政治的显著特点,就是王、谢、桓、庾等门阀士族权倾朝野,与司马氏皇室共掌天下。因此朝堂之上,波诡云谲。与此同时,北方的前秦政权势力不断扩张,并开始向南侵扰,对东晋王朝构成重大威胁。在此内忧外患之际,出自陈郡谢氏的大族名臣谢安多次力挽狂澜,使东晋王朝转危为安。而辅佐谢安的诸家子弟中,自然要数其侄谢玄的功业最盛。     

基于资本与场域理论的徽州地名变迁的社会响应与内在机理研究

立足社会大转型语境,收集有关徽州建制与地名变更争议的网络素材,借鉴批判范式、结合场域与社会记忆理论、采用语义网络分析对徽州地名变迁的社会响应与内在机理进行阐释。发现：社会响应存在明显的社群差异。婺源第一次改隶时民间强烈反抗并起到效果,第二次改隶后为多数民众所认可。媒体人群体、专家学者、普通民众与地方政府对徽州更名与复名的看法不尽相同,语义网络结构差异显著,关注重点亦有所不同。政治权力、经济资本与社会记忆分别推动徽州地名场域的边界重构、式微让步及其与黄山地名场域的交融共存是徽州地名变迁的内在机理。     

东晋“中兴四佐”发微

东晋成帝时期的殷融曾提出时有"中兴四佐"。本文通过考证,认为中兴四佐实指晋元帝时代的刁协、刘隗、周顗、戴渊四人。学界传统上依据东晋史料,多以元帝崇尚申韩之术,所任使之心腹唯在刁、刘,而对周顗、戴渊于元帝一朝的政治施为殊少研讨,实则周、戴二人以元帝心腹的角色活跃于政坛当亦甚早。周顗之文化名望仅次于王导,据《世说新语》其人在琅邪王氏之外的主要交集者庾亮、桓彝、郗鉴、谢鲲等均是亲帝室人物,此种政治立场的巧合当非偶然;戴渊因具武干而数次被委以控制地方力量的军事要职,其对于元帝掌握政局的重要性亦不容忽视。中兴四佐缺载于此后的史籍,应当与刁、刘同周、戴在政治、社会风评上的巨大差异,周、戴奉事元帝之政治脉络的隐秘性,以及以王导为首之琅邪王氏势力对于第一次"王敦之乱"话语权的争夺及重塑等多重因素的制约和影响存有密切联系。"中兴四佐"的意涵究为"元帝的四位股肱之臣"抑或仅为"元帝时因王敦而罹厄之四臣",明帝、成帝之世就由于上述原因而在时人观点中各有呈露,同时这两种价值判断均随着政治掣肘和时代移易,先后消逝在东晋的时人谈资与史籍记录中,故而未受到后来治史者应予的注意。     

东晋政治史研究的新成就——读《东晋门阀政治》

《东晋门阀政治》,北京大学出版社出版。356页。定价5.40元。田余庆先生所著《东晋门阀政治》是不可多得的一本史学佳作。门阀政治是魏晋南北朝史研究中的重要课题。长期以来,学者们做了大量的工作。大家的注意力主要集中在门阀制度及士族的政治、经济、社会、文化状况等方面。总的说,多属静态的观察,而缺少动态的研究。《门阀》一书正是在动态方面进行了尝试,并且获得了成功。众所周知,东晋一朝皇权不振,几家门阀士族相继专权。对东晋的政治产生了巨大     

禁卫军权与东晋政治

禁卫军权是中国古代专制君权的有机构成。东晋一朝百余年间门阀士族专政，他们在掌握中央行政权力和地方军政大权的同时，亦十分重视对禁卫军权的控制。东晋时期发生的多次政治斗争都与禁卫军权有密切的关系，朝廷利用禁卫军承担宫殿保卫和京师防务，叛乱专权者亦注意亲自或任命亲信担任禁卫长官控制禁卫军权以便专断朝政。禁卫军权对东晋政治的影响虽不是决定性的，但也是不容忽视的因素禁卫军权与东晋政治关系的考察，使我们看到了东晋门阀政治的另一个侧面。     

门阀士族与东晋南朝杂传和谱系撰述的发展

东晋至南朝,杂传与谱系撰述均保持着持续盛行的态势,并未明显呈现波动变化的轨迹;杂传撰述整体上保持着对谱系撰述的优势,而且这种优势并未发生根本性改变。东晋南朝时期,士族是杂传撰述的主要参与者,并在杂传撰述中,他们烙上自身重名、尚人物、强调门第的思想印记;门阀士族热衷谱牒撰述,在于谱牒既能迎合士族门阀观念的需要,又能发挥其政治功能和社会功能来维护士族门阀利益。     

Patterns of urban rebellion in medieval Flanders

The medieval county of Flanders experienced an extraordinary number of rebellions and revolts, opposing the count, the patricians and the urban middle classes, in various combinations. If the fluctuating balance of power inclined too sharply to one group, or if specific demands of privileged citizens were not fulfilled because they lacked access to power, political challengers rebelled. Representative organs could solve socio-political and economic problems, but a rebellion usually ended in a struggle between social groups and networks within the towns and a war between rebel regimes and prince. These two struggles continuously intermingled and created a rebellious dynamic, ending in victory or defeat and in repression and, in turn, inspiring the next rebellion. This remarkable pattern of rebellion started in the phase of ‘communal emancipation’, in the twelfth century, a period in which the counts granted privileges to the Flemish towns, as social and political contradictions developed within the city. From the 1280s until the end of the fourteenth century, craft guilds constructed alliances with other challengers, such as noblemen, and fought for political representation and control over fiscal and economic policies. As state power became more and more important after the arrival of the centralising Burgundian dynasty in Flanders, this pattern changed significantly. The urban elites gradually sided with the dukes and urban rebellions became less successful. This did not mean, however, that the Flemish rebellious tradition was exhausted. The end of the fifteenth century and the sixteenth century would witness new challenges to princely power. In this article we will consider the role of alliances and leadership, ideology, mobilisation and rebellious ‘repertoires’ in medieval Flemish towns.     

论流民与两晋之际的政治格局

西晋永嘉之乱以后,产生了大量的流民,并形成了严重的流民问题。流民的大量产生,以及流民势力的迅速发展,迫使两晋之际的统治设法解决流民问题。流民所引起的震动,使残破的西晋政权能够控制的力量更加弱小,从而加速了西晋政权的灭亡。北方流民的大量南下,使南方的政治、军事力量迅速增强,从而为东晋的建立提供了必要的条件。流民聚集而成的政治、军事性集团如京口集团等,是东晋政权的支撑性力量。东晋政权与流民的关系至为密切,而统治对于流民问题的处理方式与程度,亦直接地影响着当时的政治变迁。     

The Courtesan Tale: Female Musicians and Dancers in Mughal Historical Chronicles,c.1556–1748

There are many problems in trying to construct a history of female musicians and dancers in Mughal North India. Such women appear frequently in Mughal writings and apparently played an important role in elite society; there is clearly much we can learn from such sources about gender and class in the empire generally, as well as female performers more specifically. However, what evidence we have is written from the perspective of their male patrons and cast according to long‐standing rhetorical and cultural conventions concerning the fateful roles of music and love in historical events. In this article I examine how Mughal historical chronicles transform named female performers into stereotyped agents of the downfall of noblemen. Using the stories of several historical courtesans, I demonstrate how stock topoi of desire, enslavement, longing, rebellion, danger, fate and above all musical and erotic power, were used to shape all stories of courtesans into tragic cautionary tales. I aim to show that the ‘fictive’ elements of Mughal courtesan tales furthermore reveal important cultural truths about the role and meanings of music in Mughal male society.     

The Snub: Robert Menzies and the Melbourne Club

Bart Ziino’s scholarship illuminated some of the complex reasons behind thousands of Australian men’s failure to enlist for military service in the First World War. This article explores the corresponding complexity of the establishment’s response to non-enlistment. It focuses on the case of the barrister and politician Robert Menzies and the Melbourne Club, to investigate how elite gentlemen’s clubs used the concept of ‘fitness for membership’ to punish young, able-bodied non-enlistees by excluding and/or publicly criticising them. It shows that clubs’ treatment of such cases was inconsistent and internally contested, and argues that the apparently honourable discourse of loyalty that was such a fixture of elite groups in the 1920s and 1930s often masked arcane, less honourable agendas. It suggests that the establishment was more likely to punish men like Menzies who had offended doubly: not only by failing to enlist, but also by directly challenging establishment values and power.     

Elites,the Rural Masses and Land in Paraguay: The Subordination of the Rural Masses to the Ruling Class

ABSTRACT Despite the fact that rural ownership and tenure relationships were very unfavourable to the majority when President Stroessner came to power, there was little or no peasant rebellion during his regime, and the rural masses were unable to force the government to improve their situation. This paper explains the lack of resistance by the rural poor in terms of the effectiveness of the repressive regime, which kept the poor quiet and either eliminated or discouraged capable young leaders who might have organized a defence of the rights of the rural population. Agricultural colonization has also served as a safety valve, reducing the tensions among the rural poor which might otherwise have led to more radical reforms that would have been against the interests of the landowning elite. A further explanation of the weak resistance is to be found in the lack of unity among the rural poor. Opposed interests have thwarted their adequate organization and the appearance of large and successful rural social movements. The paper begins by providing some historical background.     

Foreign Languages in the Elementary Schools of Richmond,Virginia

The medieval hunt and hunting manuals have been studied by historians as sources for the history of medieval science and geography, and for their insights into the daily lives of the elite societies that practiced hunting as a ritualized sport. This article examines two medieval hunting manuals, Juan Manuel’s Libro de la caza, and the Libro de la montería, commissioned by King Alfonso XI of Castile, and King Alfonso X’s law code, the Siete partidas, for their rhetorical and ideological portrayals of hunting and falconry as expressions of aristocratic power and sovereignty over the natural world. The article concludes with a study of an imagined debate between the merits of falconry and hunting with hounds in the Libro de la caza and Libro de la montería that sheds light on Juan Manuel and Alfonso’s competing views on nobility, informed by the political history of war and rebellion that shaped the lives of both men.     

Unstable stability: Turkish politics at the crossroads?

The Justice and Development Party has been in power in Turkey since 2002 after a sweeping victory. The party has since implemented a successful economic stabilization programme and led the country into membership negotiations with the European Union. The educated modern‐urban segments of the population, however, continue to harbour suspicion that the government party has a secret agenda of turning Turkey into an Islamic state. Although the evidence for such a fear is not fully convincing, it can be understood within the broader framework of Turkish modernization which was carried out by a highly centralized state in the cultural‐educational domain in an uncompromising fashion, generating a social bifurcation between the moderns and the traditionalists. After the transition to competitive politics, elected politicians worked to curb the power of the state elites that have been the exponents of modernization policies. Supported also by economic development that has expanded society's power against the state, the political elites have worked to expand their scope for decision‐making. Such redistribution of power in society has been problematical and has twice resulted in military interventions. The shift in the balance of power in favour of the political (elected) elite is nearing completion. The struggle is currently centered on the election of a new president by the parliament in May 2007 because historically the presidency has been seen as a position that counterbalances the preferences of the political elite by those of the state elite. Although likely to cause perturbations, the president will be elected by the Justice and Development Party. Consolidation of Turkey's democracy is continuing.     

A power elite in the cultural field. A story of Norwegian neo-corporatism

The organizational culture elite is studied as a new elite group emerging within a stable neo-corporatist state. Does this new elite adopt existing modes of operation or place itself at bay from the more established elite groups? The emergence of and changes in the culture elite are discussed from a historical perspective in terms of social background, recruitment processes, occupational careers, gender composition, political outlooks, lobbying, and media strategies. The culture elite is systematically compared to two other elites: the university elite, the most similar among the elites, and the economic elite, assumedly representing the greatest contrast. Despite special characteristics in the social situations and political views of the culture elite, it is concluded that the mode of operation of this group indicates a high degree of adaptability to the general system of elites. A main reason is assumed to be the integrative power and liberal quality of the state in a neo-corporatist regime.     

Historians, prehistorians, and the tyranny of the historical record: Danish state formation through documents and archaeological data

Historians traditionally have viewed the emergence of Denmark as a nation-state through western European primary sources, inferring a fragmented, politically divided region between AD 800 and AD 1050. Conversely, archaeologists using local-scale, single-site data argue for unification by ca. AD 800. An alternative is offered, combiningregional-scale archaeological methods (rank-size analyses) and consideration of westernand northern European texts. This approach reveals that as disparate polities unified, the “homelands” of ruling dynasties came under control quickly, while peripheral areas remained largely autonomous. To incorporate peripheral areas, rulers manipulated the location and function of political and economic centers. Local resistance to change is reflected in slow, uneven unification, interregional elite competition, and eventually, armed rebellion. The apparent discrepancies between historic and prehistoric data are no error; in fact, they mirror the inherent conflicts of this profound social transformation.     

From Tobacco Revolt to Youth Rebellion: A Social History of the Cigarette in Iran

Focusing on the cultural influence of the cigarette, this paper synthesizes a wide range of evidence to argue that the cigarette was a fundamental primer for Iran's encounter with modernity, especially as understood in the context of western influence. Applying the dramaturgical theories of sociologist Erving Goffman, it is argued that the cigarette is an instantiation of the “sign-equipment” of modernization used to refashion the identity and subjectivity of Iranian men and women. This refashioning has occurred in three distinct periods. In the first period (1860–1930), cigarette smoking was a habit adopted by the Persian elite in an attempt to mediate the encounter with European colonial figures. In the second period (1930–70), cigarettes were leveraged by Iranians who wished to be seen as upwardly mobile. In the final and contemporary period (1970–present), cigarettes have become ubiquitous among the adult population, but smoking itself has become the act of youth rebellion as experimentation occurs at increasingly young ages.