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1992年洛杉矶骚乱历史根源探析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
1992年洛杉矶骚乱的发生和发展不是一次偶然性事件,而是60年代以来洛杉矶地区政治、经济和民族关系长期发展的必然结果,是20世纪美国城市种族骚乱的继续。这次骚乱的破坏性之大、涉及的范围之广、民族之多、冲突的程度之激烈,都是美国历史上前所未有的。在骚乱爆发的过程中,中心城市人口的贫困化、社会上的种族歧视和隔离、日益复杂的民族关系、不公正的社会司法和新闻媒体的炒作等,都在不同程度上促成了洛杉矶骚乱的爆发。 相似文献
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This paper questions the currently lopsided relationship between the cosmopolitan and the parochial, in which the former is favored both conceptually and empirically. In response, we propose a relational framework for bringing them into conversation, simultaneously recasting and re-animating longstanding debates via three framing devices – the process of relationality/territoriality, disposition, and spaces of encounter – embedded in and through the subject of the immigrant-gentrifier in Koreatown, Los Angeles, itself a novel category that has hitherto eluded systematic research. We present the results of 25 interviews of Korean immigrant-gentrifiers and 10 key informant interviews. The results constitute a parochial critique that emerges as a series of conflicted paradoxes but also productive tensions: between an ostensibly transnational process compromised by a profoundly homegrown, parochial set of investors and outlooks; between a set of dispositions that seek inner-city diversity and density, yet simultaneously sheltered from its spillover costs; and spaces of encounter marked by a gap between the promise of truly open spaces and the reality of guarded and self-segregated ones. Ultimately, this paper does double duty – conceptually rebalancing the cosmopolitan-parochial relationship, but in doing so empirically elevating the emergence of the understudied immigrant-gentrifier category. 相似文献
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In the 1980s a group of geographers known informally as the Los Angeles School proclaimed Los Angeles as the paradigmatic metropolis of the late-twentieth century. The postmodern/flexible specialization model Los Angeles School adherents developed to explain Los Angeles and validate its paradigmatic status is critiqued theoretically and empirically. The unfortunate timing of their claims of Los Angeles' suzerainty over the Pacific Rim is discussed, and the development and status of its propulsive industrial sectors, such as armaments, aerospace, entertainment, finance, and real estate, are examined. The armaments industry receives special attention because of its critical role in postwar Los Angeles' growth and subsequent decline and because the Los Angeles School devoted considerable research and even praise to this particular type of government "warfare" spending as a key constituent of the area's technopole. The entertainment industry is not sufficient to extract Los Angeles from its continuing crisis. At the moment, Los Angeles lacks any credible plan for overcoming the contemporary malaise. The difficulties in the Los Angeles School's analysis are held to stem from their theoretical synthesis of postmodernism and flexible specialization, a natural but unfortunate Ptolemaic perspective expressed in the belief that one's particular locale is paradigmatic and a lack of recognition of the malignant aspects of defense-spurred economic development. 相似文献
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In her 2005 article, "The Long Civil Rights Movement and thePolitical Uses of the Past," Jacquelyn Dowd Hall called on scholarsto complicate the story of civil rights by looking beyond atraditional narrative that begins in 1954, ends in 1965, focuseson the South, and features Martin Luther King, Jr. as the leaderof a single-voiced chorus of interracial activists who overcameracial barriers nonviolently. The recent wave of histories aboutarts movements in African-American communities (e.g., Pointfrom Which Creation Begins: The Black Artists Group ofSt. Louis, by Benjamin Looker, 2004, 相似文献
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Mike Davis 《对极》1997,29(4):356-382
By 1910, Los Angeles was already notorious as national capital of the open shop. During World War I, the Chamber of Commerce launched an ambitious campaign to attract eastern investment to new manufacturing districts southeast of downtown. With the arrival of hundreds of branch plants in the 1920s, Los Angeles' business leaders—quoting Ford and vulgarizing Darwin—embraced a sweeping vision of Urban Eugenics based on scientific factory planning, proprietary industrial suburbs, mass-produced bungalows, and a racially selected workforce. Even Mother Nature was a scab. 相似文献
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美国郊区史研究的主流观点认为,中产阶级白人是郊区最早的居民,也是数量上占绝对优势的群体,甚至郊区就是中产阶级白人居住区的同义语。这种观点不仅在美国,而且在我国学术界也有很大影响。然而,根据近年的研究,许多大都市区也有数量可观的工人郊区,这一点洛杉矶最为典型。1920—1940年间,工人郊区曾是这里最主要的郊区模式,工人是此时洛杉矶郊区化的主要参与者,其动力是郊区的工业化进程、廉价住房市场和交通技术的进步。通过对人口统计数据中居民的职业、受教育情况、族裔、住房等信息的分析,可以揭示这种异于传统的郊区化模式。研究此前被认为不存在或被忽略的工人郊区的历史,有助于更全面地理解郊区化进程,丰富对大都市区发展历史的认识,也部分说明了环境不公正形成的历史原因。 相似文献
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《Journal of Historical Geography》2007,33(1):104-124
The process of creating public spaces has been one of defining what constitutes public activities and how they can occur. This was as true for the sidewalks as for spaces such as the roadbed, parks and markets. The sidewalks in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were used for commercial, political and social activities. During this period, the Los Angeles municipal government and urban residents constructed hundreds of miles of sidewalks along with other street improvements. In response to differing claims to the sidewalks and varying interests in the purpose of the streets, the city began to emphasize pedestrian circulation and through its process, the pedestrian was defined as the public for which the sidewalks were provided. As sidewalks were legally defined as public ways, the more clearly and narrowly the notion of the public was construed, and fewer activities had guaranteed access. In this paper, we explore different types of claims to sidewalks in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. We discuss sidewalk provision, abutters' use and responsibility, and the regulation of commercial and speech activities. The examination of municipal response to conflicting demands by property owners, merchants, political and charitable organizations, and other interested parties about sidewalk use helps us to better understand the process by which public space and public activities were defined. 相似文献
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Stormwater is a complex political and geographical problem. It is at once bound to land-use decisions, tied to geographical features such as lakes and rivers, and capable of flowing across different political boundaries and jurisdictions. In this paper, I empirically focus on how disparate understandings of stormwater are forged through different institutional arrangements and the ways multiple actors interact across scales of governance in Los Angeles. The results indicate four discourses influence decisions on urban stormwater management and are articulated through different forms of knowledge and power in environmental governance. The discourses diverge over contrasting perspectives on infrastructural interventions, the role of economic approaches, and the need for new institutions and rules. I suggest that disagreement may not deter integration and collaboration across different scales of governance, but without addressing conflict over key discursive claims about how stormwater governance should proceed, broadly accepted outcomes may remain elusive. With current trends in environmental governance moving towards hybrid forms that bring together groups that transcend traditional organizational structures, this paper reveals how more sustainable outcomes are being devised through current configurations of knowledge and power. 相似文献
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Timothy P. Helton 《The Journal of religious history》2016,40(1):65-81
By examining the geographical, economic, religious, and social changes experienced by those who became Pentecostals, and by comparing the religious and cultural backgrounds of native and migrant Angelinos in the 1920s and 1930s with the Pentecostal message, this article demonstrates that several factors contributed to the receptivity of those who lived in the Los Angeles region. First, a deep sense of dislocation predisposed a number of white Angelinos to religious realignment. Next, African Americans were just emerging from one of the most trying times in their long history of suffering, and that suffering had led to millennial expectations that the Pentecostal movement seemed to presage. Then, the Pentecostal message influenced the direction of that realignment by appealing both to those expectations and to other specific cultural characteristics common to many Angelinos. Finally, the article shows that the Pentecostal experience provided a sense of empowerment that some in the movement found transformative. 相似文献
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In 2019, the Mayor of Los Angeles announced the Los Angeles Green New Deal (LAGND), an ambitious plan to shift the city's power system to 100% renewables by 2045. The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (LADWP)—the electricity provider for the city and the largest municipally-owned utility in the United States—began a consultation process with local stakeholders and energy system modelers to determine possible scenarios to accomplish this goal. While the LAGND was lauded by environmentalists and progressives both within Los Angeles and beyond, it has been heavily opposed by the IBEW 18, the union that represents nearly all employees at LADWP. IBEW 18 has staged protests, created political advocacy organizations, and funded anti-decarbonization political candidates. This paper draws on 20 semi-structured interviews and other secondary materials to understand the union's oppositionand to demonstrate some of the unique challenges that municipal-scale Green New Deal (GND) plans face. We argue that the tensions between the mayor's office and unionized utility workers can be explained, at least in part, by three instances of scalar misalignment—or mismatch—that arise from trying to undertake a GND plan at the city level. These include mismatch between: (1) the scales of political activism and engagement between the mayor and the union, (2) the aims of the GND narrative and the limits imposed by the jurisdiction of the City of Los Angeles, and (3) the current and future geographies of the electric power system and related infrastructure and its path dependencies. 相似文献