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晋阳古城遗址位于太原市西南20公里晋源区的辖区内,遗址包含有城池遗址、宗教祭祀遗址和地下埋藏遗址三部分。其中,城池遗址而积20余平方公里,为全同重点文物保护单位。 相似文献
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湖北省枝江县(现改名为枝江市)关庙山遗址和宜都县(现改名为枝城市)红花套遗址分别位于长江北、南两岸,石家河化层位于遗址的上层,破坏较严重,保存较少,因而出土陶器的数量也很少。两处遗址所反映的石家河化制陶技术如下: 相似文献
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三分屯遗址位于凉山州冕宁县城厢镇三分屯村西南约1公里处,该遗址南北长558米,东西宽75米,位于南河与东河交汇处的一级台地上,1975年四川省金沙渡口段、安宁河流域联合考古调查队首先发现了该遗址。1987年6月文物普查时又详细调查了该遗址。 相似文献
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晋阳古城位于太原盆地的北部,是我国北方政治、军事和经济中心之一。其遗址范围以太原市以南20公里的晋阳古城遗址为中心,在晋源区200平方公里范围内广泛分布。遗址根据性质可分为古城遗址、寺观遗址和墓葬遗址三部分。 相似文献
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<正>晋阳古城遗址位于山西省太原市晋源区,为全国重点文物保护单位。2006年,国家文物局、财政部将晋阳古城遗址列入"十一五"期间全国百大遗址保护总体规划项目。2010年,晋阳古城遗址获首批国家考古遗址公园立项。2012年2月中旬至5月下旬,为配合国家考古遗址公园的建设,我们对晋阳古城进行了小范围试掘,发掘区位于古城营村南约200米(图一),共布设5×5米探方9个,发掘面积225平方米。 相似文献
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Ronit Lentin 《Irish Studies Review》2016,24(1):21-34
AbstractIn 2014 residents in Direct Provision Centres for asylum seekers staged a series of protests. The protests, which coincided with the appointment of a new Minister for Justice who announced the Irish government’s plans to reform the asylum system, voiced three clear demands. Firstly, the protestors demanded that all asylum centres be closed; secondly, they demanded that all residents be given the right to remain and work in Ireland; and thirdly, they demanded an end to all deportations. The government’s response to these protests was to appoint a working group in October 2014, made up of representatives of migrant-support NGOs (but without any significant representation of asylum seekers themselves) while also announcing that it intends to reform rather than abolish the system.Against this background, this paper makes three interlinked theoretical propositions. Firstly, I propose that just as the Irish state and society managed to ignore workhouses, mental health asylums, “mother and baby homes”, Magdalene laundries and industrial schools, they also “manage not to know” of the plight of asylum seekers, precisely because the Direct Provision system isolates asylum applicants, makes them dependent on bed and board and a small “residual income maintenance payment to cover personal requisites”, and makes it difficult for them to organise on a national level. “Managing not to know”, or disavowing, entails the erasure of the Direct Provision system from Ireland’s collective consciousness at a time when increasing emigration is returning to haunt Irish society after years of refusing to confront the pain of emigration. I argue that asylum seekers represent the return of Ireland’s repressed that confronts Irish people, themselves e/migrants par excellence. Secondly, I propose that by taking action and representing themselves, the residents of Direct Provision Centres can no longer be theorised as Agamben’s “bare life”, at the mercy of sovereign power, to whom everything is done and who are therefore not considered active agents in their own right. The third proposition responds to the theme of this special issue, that multiculturalism is “in crisis”, arguing in the conclusion that this “crisis” hardly applies to Ireland, where the brief flirtations with “interculturalism” by state, society but also Irish studies disavow race and racism in favour of a returning obsession with emigration, which enables the continued disavowal of the experiences of asylum seekers in Direct Provision. 相似文献
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Thomas Duddy 《European Legacy》2007,12(3):357-359