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<正>比牛车慢·比木船摇·比游戏欢乐刺激"到仰光?没人说准火车时间。"大概?应该?"在8点到9点之间吧。"进入车站时,人群已经骚动。—个热情的缅甸小伙子带我们进站长室,拿出护照登记买票,2美元一张。这时,从曼德勒开来的火车刚好进站,小伙子一路小跑把我们带到最前面的车厢,让两个缅甸人给我们腾出了位置。我们连声:"谢谢!"小伙子没有离开的意思,恍然大悟,我赶紧掏出—块大大的工5克力给了他,他转身下车,列车启动。列车欢快地奔跑在通往仰光的路上,车门、车窗全部大开,安达曼海的海风飘过伊洛瓦底江平原,尽情地吹进车厢。 相似文献
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While Myanmar's recent military coup has devastated many people in the country, particularly those from the Bamar majority, who had been enjoying a decade of quasi-democracy, it has also produced a massive uprising against the military's seizure of power that appears to constitute a revolution. This is because amidst protests, general strikes, and guerrilla warfare, this majority has also been grappling with the failures of the last 10 years: through conversations facilitated by social media platforms, some are not only demanding changes to their democratic leadership's authoritarian chauvinism but are acknowledging the structural inequalities and exclusions built into Myanmar society. 相似文献
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Jo Buckberry Janet Montgomery Jacqueline Towers Gundula Müldner Malin Holst Jane Evans Andrew Gledhill Naomi Neale Julia Lee‐Thorp 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2014,33(4):413-434
Historical, artefactual and place‐name evidence indicates that Scandinavian migrants moved to eastern England in the ninth century AD, settling in the Danelaw. However, only a handful of characteristically Scandinavian burials have been found in the region. One, widely held, explanation is that most of these Scandinavian settlers quickly adopted local Christian burial customs, thus leaving Scandinavians indistinguishable from the Anglo‐Saxon population. We undertook osteological and isotopic analysis to investigate the presence of first‐generation Scandinavian migrants. Burials from Masham were typical of the later Anglo‐Saxon period and included men, women and children. The location and positioning of the four adult burials from Coppergate, however, are unusual for Anglo‐Scandinavian York. None of the skeletons revealed interpersonal violence. Isotopic evidence did not suggest a marine component in the diet of either group, but revealed migration on a regional, and possibly an international, scale. Combined strontium and oxygen isotope analysis should be used to investigate further both regional and Scandinavian migration in the later Anglo‐Saxon period. 相似文献
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Charlene Murphy 《Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences》2016,8(1):65-78
Examining the evidence for millet in the Roman empire, during the period, circa 753 bc–610 ad, presents a number of challenges: a handful of scant mentions in the ancient surviving agrarian texts, only a few fortuitous preserved archaeological finds and limited archaeobotanical and isotopic evidence. Ancient agrarian texts note millet’s ecological preferences and multiple uses. Recent archaeobotanical and isotopic evidence has shown that millet was being used throughout the Roman period. The compiled data suggests that millet consumption was a more complex issue than the ancient sources alone would lead one to believe. Using the recent archaeobotanical study of Insula VI.I from the city of Pompeii, as a case study, the status and role of millet in the Roman world is examined and placed within its economic, cultural and social background across time and space in the Roman world. 相似文献
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近代以来,滇缅陆路和水路交通都得到了较快的发展,滇缅之间以商业为目的的贸易额快速上升,云南也从过去的出超变为入超.滇缅贸易的发展加强了云南与内地和国外的经济联系,刺激了云南商品经济的发展和现代工业的萌芽,推动了云南的币制改革和金融业的发展.滇缅贸易还为中国的抗日战争输入了大量的战略物资,为抗日战争的胜利做出了重要贡献. 相似文献
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缅甸工业化中的华侨(1948—1962) 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
范宏伟 《华侨华人历史研究》2003,(2):60-68
缅甸独立后 ,在缅人化、国有化政策的压力下 ,大量华侨商业资本转而投资工业 ,在缅甸工业化中发挥了重要作用。它提高了缅甸工业化过程中的资本形成能力 ,增强了缅甸经济的自主强度 ,推动了缅甸产业结构的转变。华侨在缅甸工业化中能够扮演重要的角色 ,得益于缅华社会较大的流动性 ,华侨没有土地、农业、人身的束缚 ,以及华侨经济作为移民经济对市场的敏感性和华侨具有较强的现代性。此外 ,这一时期缅甸国内的政治经济形势、缅甸政府鼓励华商投资工业的政策、中国政府对华侨由商转工的支持 ,则为华侨在缅甸工业化中发挥重要作用创造了有利的外部环境 相似文献
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The transfer and deportation of ethnically Rohingya people from Myanmar into Bangladesh is a crime against humanity demanding an international response. What role, however, should the International Criminal Court (ICC) play? On 6 September 2018 an ICC Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that the Court has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute such crimes as they are completed on the territory of a State party, Bangladesh. Myanmar is not a party to ICC Statute and has invoked the principle that treaties do not bind third parties without their consent. The case put in this commentary is that while the Pre-Trial Chamber’s approach to the law was arguable as an interpretation of the ICC Statute, it was unwise as a matter of policy. The argument is threefold. First, the Pre-Trial Chamber’s ruling is as a matter of legal method only the first-move in a process of norm-creation and persuasion. Second, it does not follow that because territorial jurisdiction in international law includes ‘objective’ jurisdiction over transboundary acts completed on a State’s territory that such jurisdiction was delegated by member States to the ICC in all cases. Finally, it is argued that international criminal tribunals do not succeed when the cooperation of necessary territorial governments (here, Myanmar) is withheld. Proceeding in this case risks becoming a quagmire of the ICC’s own creation at a time when it can little afford further risks to its legitimacy. 相似文献
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《Journal of Conflict Archaeology》2013,8(1):99-118
AbstractChanges in settlement organisation in Mediterranean France throughout the Iron Age have long been viewed as a social and cultural by-product of contact with Greece and Rome. While relationships with the state societies of the Mediterranean would doubtless have left their mark on settlement structures, it is possible that changing habitat-forms during this period could also be used to extrapolate patterns of conflict in the region.Recent anthropological research has revealed a correlation between 'warlike', non-state societies and 'socialization for fear'. In ethnographic accounts this manifests itself as an increased delineation of personal space and reductions in social access on an individual level. It is possible that the fairly commonplace sets of evidence which reveal this 'fear' are apparent in the settlement record of the later Iron Age throughout the Bouches du Rhone. 相似文献
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范宏伟 《华侨华人历史研究》2006,26(1):45-54
移民同化于当地是一种多维的社会互动过程,其表现和影响因素是多方面的。近代以来迁移缅甸的华人和印度移民同化于当地的情况是不同的。本文从语言、宗教信仰、生活习俗和族际通婚四个方面概述了华人和印度人的同化情况,认为华人比印度人更快同化于当地。本文也分析了影响二者同化程度不同的原因,认为主要是二者在人口、经济、移民性质、宗教信仰、种姓、偏见、体质等七个方面的差异所致。作者指出,上述七个影响因素并不单独具有绝对的解释力,它们相互交织,彼此作用,形成影响华人和印度人同化情况不同的合力。 相似文献
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This article studies the case of a workers’ strike in Myanmar's ready‐made garment sector to illustrate how differently‐situated actors have engaged at multiple scales to influence emerging forms of labour regulation in the country. The analysis is drawn out through the historicization of domestic regulatory transformation. As a hegemonic project targeting industrial peace for purposes of capital accumulation, Myanmar's labour regime has been shaped by various actors outside of government circles, including International Labour Organization (ILO) personnel, Myanmar trade unionists, foreign governments, transnational corporations, domestic capitalists and Myanmar workers. Proposing a multi‐scalar reading of labour regime transformation attentive to constitutive processes of contestation, the study analyses ways in which varied, and at times unofficial, relations coalesce to shape labour regulation. 相似文献
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JÜRGEN HAACKE 《International affairs》2010,86(1):153-174
Following the adoption of a new constitution by national referendum, Myanmar's military junta is set to organize multiparty elections in 2010. Not least to influence Myanmar's leadership, with regard to the conditions Washington believes necessary for credible elections, the United States announced in September 2009 that it would embark on a new approach towards Naypyidaw. This will focus on a high‐level dialogue while keeping existing sanctions in place. The Obama administration has asked the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to support this new approach. Against the backdrop of the deep divide between the ruling generals and Aung San Suu Kyi, and the continued conflict between Naypyidaw and armed ethnic nationalities, this article asks: How strong is ASEAN's record when it comes to influencing the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in relation to matters of national reconciliation and political transition? What factors explain ASEAN's approach towards Myanmar? What prospect, if any, is there that ASEAN states can influence Myanmar's political developments before the 2010 elections? The article argues that ASEAN has not moved beyond a collective criticism which aims to induce Naypyidaw to respond positively to the demands of its international detractors. ASEAN's norms, different political identities and geopolitical interests coupled with the SPDC's prickliness have limited the consensus on Myanmar. Naypyidaw's calculations about relations with Washington, rather than ASEAN's ‘enhanced interactions’ with the military government, and domestic political dynamics are likely to be the crucial determinants of further developments in the context of the 2010 elections. 相似文献
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S. Carrascal E. Chimenos‐Küstner A. Isidro A. Malgosa 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2013,23(3):319-323
Ameloblastoma is a not uncommon tumour reported in the clinical literature and is characterised by a multilocular cavity with ‘soap bubble’ pattern usually in the posterior body of the mandible. A review of the palaeopathology literature did not reveal any examples of ameloblastoma. In this paper, a probable case of ameloblastoma in a male skeleton, 45 – 55 years at age of death, from Casserres, Barcelona, Spain, (ca ad V‐IX centuries) is presented. This case was identified during the anthropological study of the remains in the laboratory of biological anthropology in the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. The mandible of this individual (AEC'07‐C2‐139) exhibits unusual features, like cavitated lesions in the posterior side of the right gonion and the expansion of the right ramus of the mandible. All these features are consistent with ameloblastoma. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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In this paper, we question an often-unchallenged assumption that we all talk about the same ‘thing’ when talking about water. Taking the Salween River in Myanmar as a case study, we draw on a growing body of hydrosocial literature to analyze the multiple ontologies of water. Conceptually, we take each ontology to be constituted of – and enacted within – a human-more-than-human assemblage, the spatiotemporal dimensions of which demarcate a ‘hydrosocial territory.’ We present three illustrations, namely: the role of the Union Government's National Water Resources Committee and how it manifests and is situated within an ontology of ‘modern Water’; a Karen indigenous initiative to establish a Salween Peace Park and an associated revealing of an ‘indigenous’ ontology; and plans for the construction of mainstream hydropower dams and electricity export to neighboring Thailand, where different water ontologies and their hydrosocial territories collide. We examine how multiple ontologies of water are contested through ‘ontological politics’, whereby human actors compete to further their own interests by naturalizing their ontology while marginalizing others. While not downplaying the role violent conflict plays, we argue that in the Salween basin ontological politics are an underappreciated terrain of contestation through which political authority and the power relations that underpin it are (re)produced, with implications for processes of state formation, territorialization and the ongoing peace negotiations. 相似文献