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泰山没有风景,只有商业。一位美国朋友慕名来到泰山,当看到川流不息的索道缆车、游人如织的岱顶闹市把泰山的自然景观搞得面目全非时,他觉得失望极了。  相似文献   

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《中华遗产》2008,(8):10-10
金牌并不是体育运动最主要的标志,让众多的民众参与体育从而使一个民族更健康才是北京奥运会更重要的遗产。  相似文献   

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《中华遗产》2008,(2):12-12
当我们看到春运的紧张与繁忙时,我们应该想到那不仅仅是一场务工农民或城里人回乡过年的行为,更是一场声势浩大的“文化活动”  相似文献   

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《中华遗产》2008,(4):12-12
中国养了一堆官方艺术组织,各艺术协会又养了一群不会下蛋的鸡;76%的中学生从没进过美术馆;强制京剧进课堂是个蠢办法  相似文献   

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《中华遗产》2008,(11):10-10
北京有着7039处人文遗存、3400年建城史和850余年建都史,却没有多少让别人感到值得购买、可以购买的文化产品,着实令人生叹。  相似文献   

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《中华遗产》2008,(1):12-12
“南海一号”出水文物中有一小片竹篾席,它有多少价值?我看是无价,它比“南海一号”上出水的一些金器要宝贵得多,文物价值是不能用金钱衡量的。  相似文献   

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In 1998, New Zealand's TV3 broadcast two programmes featuring women who alleged that a prominent Christchurch physician and local politician had sexually assaulted them while they were patients in his care. The allegations unleashed an immediate and decisive backlash in the mainstream media and this article explores that media response. The analysis of the media debate demonstrates the ideological work which must be constantly carried out by the hegemonic groups in society in order to hold on to the power to define normative geographies, which in this case had been destabilised by the women's allegations. The mainstream media attempted to restore the boundaries of hegemonic respectability by calling on gendered notions of typical female behaviour in order to undermine the validity of the women's experiences. The 'official' image of Christchurch was also evoked in order to reassert ideological values in the face of resistance. The process whereby hegemonic groups attempt to secure control of established geographies is always open to contestation, however, and some media forums opened alternative discursive spaces within which to explore women's narratives. This media event highlights the underlying tensions in society surrounding the production of meanings attached to spaces and places, tensions which problematise the common-sense notions regarding public and private, identity, subjectivity and credibility.  相似文献   

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If there is any social organization that has provided a powerful illustration of the permeable boundaries between social politics—defined by Stephen M. Buechler as “forms of collective action that challenge power relations without an explicit focus on the state”—and social movements, and the role of collective identity in transforming either, as defined for women by Betty Friedan—it would be the Israeli kibbutz movement. The research presented here on grassroots Israeli women activists, a significant proportion of whom had grown up or had lived in a kibbutz, suggests that the social politics of everyday life on a kibbutz facilitated women's participation in larger social movements for peace, but also placed constraints on their activism. Many of these women had left or were in the process of leaving the kibbutz between 1989 and 1999, when this research was conducted. Those who had already left, and anchor women who organized urban demonstrations, saw the kibbutz as a conservative anti-woman force. Nonetheless, evidence gathered from qualitative interviewing with them suggests that the kibbutzim supported women who were politically active on national issues. Several women-led social protest movements illustrate how the kibbutz geared its members to think about the interplay of the moral and social orders in the small spaces of everyday life.  相似文献   

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Polynesian Rotuma was blessed by its large coconuts and became an early focus for foreigners seeking trade in coconut oil and copra. Once the island became part of British Fiji in 1881, Rotumans voiced their concerns about increased shipping costs when going via Fiji as the port of entry. From the early 20th century they had visions of owning their own ship and thus greater control over prices for exported copra and imported goods. This article seeks to examine their constant efforts to make traders deal more fairly while seeking to manage their own shipping. Though they had some success, particularly when they formed a cooperative after World War Two, their goal largely proved unattainable but the vision and the voices have endured.  相似文献   

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Italian Voices was a labor of love for Mary Ellen Mancina-Batinich.The author's father, Vincenzo (who later took the Americanizedname of James), told his daughter many stories about his lifeas an Italian immigrant in Minnesota's Iron Range. These storiesinstilled in Mancina-Batinich a love for her Italian heritage,but perhaps more importantly, a fascination with the lives andstories of other Italian immigrants and their families. Theauthor, who directed an oral history project focusing on Chicago'sItalian-American community, began collecting interviews in thelate 1970s with the men and  相似文献   

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Indonesia has a proliferation of children living on the streets of its larger cities. To the state and dominant society, they are perceived as committing a social violation. In response to their marginalisation and subordination, street children in Yogyakarta, Java, Indonesia, have developed a 'repertoire of strategies' in order to survive. These include the appropriation of urban niches within the city, in which they create collective solutions for the dilemmas they confront in their everyday lives. This paper discusses a street boy community that exists within these marginal spaces: the Tikyan subculture of Yogyakarta. It presents the Tikyan subculture as a technique for street children to resist the negative stereotypes which are given to them by mainstream society. As they get older and become increasingly alienated by society, the Tikyan actively reject their 'deviant' label, and decorate street life so that it becomes agreeable in their eyes. This is achieved by deviating from dominant styles of dress and conventional behaviour, and through the development of a specific symbolic identity. These symbolic challenges to the dominant culture are communicated and dispersed within the social group and conveyed to the world via the subculture's 'specialised semiotic': their style of dress; their acts of bodily subversion or dissent (in the form of tattoos, body piercing and sexual practices); the music they play and listen to; and their use of drugs and alcohol. I describe these practices as the Tikyan 's obligatory performances, and the expected ways of behaving in order to remain accepted by the group.  相似文献   

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