政治右倾受阻 中日有望“融冰”

冷战结束后,新老保守政党控制了日本国会,日本政治总体上趋向保守化。日本社民党和共产党等“革新政党”的势力大为削弱。自民党和公明党联合执政联盟拥有众议院2／3以上议席,除修改宪法以外,几乎所有执政党提出的法案、决议案均可获通过。     

冷战后日本政府对外政策决策机制的变化

一、政策决策参与成份的变化 冷战后,日本政府对外政策的决策机制在整体框架和程序结构上并无根本性的变化,仍然是以内阁为中心、多元参与的金字塔型结构,仍然是多角色、多层次反复协商的运作机制。但外交战略目标的演变和国内政治结构的重组,使过去以政党、内阁、文官为主体的三角形决策机制在运转过程中,具有了更加集中、更加多元化、更加开放有效的新特点。 １．政党参与的变化 近年来日本政局最大的变化就是自民党一度失去单独执政的政治优势,虽然自民党仍是国会第一大党,仍把持首相职位,但在对外政策的决策过程中一党独大的局…     

日本向何处去？

在民主党成了和自民党没有多大区别的一个政党,“饭＋咖喱”和“咖喱＋饭”而已12月16日举行的目本众议院选举中,自民党获得480个议席中的294个,取得了压倒性胜利,党代表、前首相安倍晋三将会再次担任首相;执政民主党的席位则急剧下降到57席,失去了3年前获得的政权。而在2009年8月举行的第4S次众议院选举中,民主党曾获得历史性的308席,二战后第一次由非自民党的政党单独组阁。当时人们对之寄予厚望,称之为“2009年体制”,也就是希望民主党能成为和自民党旗鼓相当的政治势力,建立一种有日本特色的两党制。     

小泽一郎让小泉如临大敌

小泽一郎宣称一定要“夺取政权”,小泉纯一郎则要捍卫“现有江山”,日本民主党和自民党两大政党首领主导的“小小之战”已经烽火暗燃。虽然距离日本大选还有5个月之遥,但以小泉纯一郎为首的执政党自民党和最大在野党民主党之间就已经充满了火药味。4月7日,在民主党党首选举中．63岁的小泽一郎以绝对优势获胜。当选后,小泽一郎表示,他将为实现政权更迭、建立民主党政权     

独具特色的日本政党政治

日本的政党政治是在二战以后形成的,因而它与西方政党政治相比有很大的不同：第一,自民党能够在完全竞争的多党制条件下,以优势地位执政长达38年之久。第二,政党内部派阀林立且活动持久。第三,自民党直接参与政府运作,成为政府运作的中枢神经。第四,日本的政党政治具有明显的不成熟性,国会和在野党功能弱化,各政党没有明确的政策主张。     

自民党失去政权是否对华有利?

华文媒体定位民主党是中间偏左政党,对小泽未来主导的中日关系,充满期待和想象,这是很大的危机日本首相麻生解散众院以后,自民党和民主党决战在即。日本政局变化,当然也牵动中国神经。     

关于日本自由民主党的“党近代化”问题

日本自民党是在1955年11月由两个保守政党——日本民主党和自由党合并成立的。由于历史的和现实的原因,自民党在成立之初,不仅缺乏作为一个政党所必备的理论基础,而且党内也存在着尖锐复杂的派系矛盾。加之会计帐目混乱,贪污受賄事件不断发生,因此遭到社会舆论的非议。1958年5月第28届众议院选举中,自     

战后日本自民党社会统合能力分析--于政治体系的系统输入一侧

复旦大学林尚立先生的《政党政治与现代化：日本的历史与现实》一书是对战后日本政党政治,尤其是对自民党“一党独大”现象进行系统研究的一部力作。但书中有关日本自民党社会统合作用的论述只言及自民党在政治体系的系统输出一侧的社会统合战略,忽视了自民党在政治系统输入一侧的社会统合功能。本文借林尚立先生的这一论述缺欠,指出了这一问题在日本政治研究中的普遍性,并在此基础上,结合西方政治体系、政治系统理论中政党统合功能的相关论述,对日本自民党在政治系统输入一侧的社会统合能力及其根源进行了概括性的论述。     

中日关系面临新考验

9月20日,全世界尤其是东亚国家的目光都将转向日本——日本首相小泉纯一郎担任的自民党总裁一职,将于这一天任满。届时,自民党将选出新一任总裁。由于自民党在日本参众两院的席位均占多数,当选总裁者将出任日本新首相。谁最有可能成为日本新首相?新首相上任后,已严重恶化的日中关系会否回暖?上述问题引起人们的广泛关注     

日本共产党经受着苏联、东欧剧变的考验

日本共产党自1922年7月15日诞生以来,已经度过了近70个岁月。70年里,在国内外激烈的阶级斗争风暴中,在国际共产主义运动史上,经受了血与火的洗礼,走过了坎坷曲折的历程。战后以来,由于资产阶级保守政党长期执政,特别是“五五年体制”以后,形成了在自民党政权下的牢固的政官财三位一体的统治体制,在     

Cultural legacies and electoral performance of ethnic minority parties in post‐communist Europe

Although there are numerous contributions on ethnic electoral politics, relatively little research has been devoted to explain the scope of success of ethnic minority parties. This article addresses the issue within the bounds of post‐communist Europe, paying particular attention to the effect of cultural legacies. It was confirmed, first of all, that ethnic parties are likely to emerge only if their titular minority has a number of voters larger than what is necessary to obtain parliamentary representation. Otherwise, the most successful were the ethnic parties representing the minorities characterised by legacy of regional domination, that is, those whose members had once enjoyed a dominant position as a ruling nation on a given territory (e.g. Hungarians in Slovakia). The second‐successful were the parties representing homeland minorities, that is, those which have resided on a given area for more than two centuries, but have never been members of a ruling nation. The parties representing diaspora or immigrant minorities were the least successful. Further research could assess the importance of these factors in other regions of the world.     

Owner parties and party institutionalisation in Italy: is the Northern League exceptional?

Studies on party institutionalisation commonly argue that parties with personalist leadership and weak organisation are unlikely to remain in power beyond leadership succession. In other words, these parties will rarely attain their own institutionalisation. From this perspective, the recent Italian political reality represents a conundrum. Three parties of this type – Northern League; Forza Italia; Italy of Values – confronted significant resignation issues concerning their leaders, but only the League, contrary to the theory, made a decisive step toward institutionalisation by removing its founding father and remaining an actor with national blackmail potential. This article addresses this challenge and provides a solution to this conundrum. In particular, the article demonstrates that an approach that considers both party factors and critical events is necessary to account fully for the variance of outcomes and, more generally, for party change.     

Rehabilitating political parties: an examination of the writings of Hans Kelsen

This paper focuses on Hans Kelsen’s reflections on political parties. During the interwar period, Kelsen participated in a controversy over whether political parties were a necessary part of the democratic process. The debate forced Kelsen to produce a defence of political parties to emphasise their functionality and define their place in his particular definition of democracy. This contribution considers the following aspects. First, the reasons why Kelsen thought political parties are necessary for democratic life are explained. Second, the doctrinal oppositions against which he elaborated his defence of political parties are clarified. Third, the programme that Kelsen conceived of to enhance political parties in a constitutional democracy is examined. Finally, the contemporary questions that have arisen in relation to Kelsen’s conception of political parties are scrutinised. Kelsen’s contribution to the debate about the role of political parties was intimately related to the presence of strong criticisms of that role. This makes his reflections even more interesting today, considering the present relative decline of the political role and appeal of parties.     

社会资本影响区域经济增长的机理:基于"织网"模型的分析

社会资本对区域经济增长的影响是通过对区内企业、产业集群及区域整体等三个不同主体的影响发挥作用的。在企业由传统成长模式向网络化成长模式转变,产业集群由聚集经济向创新网络转变,区域由空闻结构向网络社会转变的过程中,社会网络及内含资源起着决定性作用。社会资本对三者的作用体现空间上的层次递进特征,即依循企业、集群、区域三个不同主体网络化递进发展的“织网模型”,依次由“发散状企业网络”向“经纬状集群网络”再向“多构面区域网络”发展的织网过程。社会资本及社会网络对企业的作用是摄取关键资源、信息等;对产业集群的影响是建立学习与创新机制、成本节约机制、形成合作竞争氛围;而对区域的积极意义是保持区域良好的信任文化。     

Virtual Campaigning: Australian Parties and the Impact of the Internet

This paper examines the impact of the Internet, specifically the World Wide Web (WWW) and e-mail on Australian parties in two key areas: (1) party communication: what exactly are parties using their Websites for? and (2) party competition: does the Internet lower the threshold for smaller parties to communicate their message compared with the traditional media? We examine these questions with two types of data--a questionnaire of party communication staff and content analysis of a representative sample of party Websites. Our findings show, first, that Australian parties have taken a fairly cautious approach to the new medium, using it primarily as an information storehouse rather than putting it to more innovative use. Second, while almost all Australian parties have a Web presence, there is a divide between those parties with parliamentary representation and those without in terms of their site quality and visibility on the Web. The study concludes by interpreting the findings in the context of research on parties' use of the Internet worldwide.     

Party system change and electoral platforms: A study of the 1996 Italian election

Comparative research suggests that parties regularly campaign by emphasizing issues on which they are advantaged and by ignoring topics that are traditionally associated with other parties. Focusing on the 1996 Italian elections, this article discusses whether such a generalization holds when the party system is affected by radical changes such as those that occurred in Italy in the mid-1990s. Moreover, the analysis of the party electoral platforms highlights some basic features of the new parties, and identifies either innovations or continuities with the past. I present evidence that in 1996 the Italian parties mostly competed on a similar range of issues. Especially regarding economic policy, there was not a polarized ideological debate: also the centre-left parties converged on a moderate position by playing down typical socialist themes such as state intervention and the expansion of social services. I also analyse the degree of internal programmatic cohesion of the two main coalitions, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) and the Polo delle Libertà (Freedom Pole) and relate it to the stability of the Italian political system.     

Election Campaigns and Television News Coverage: The Case of the 2001 Australian Election

This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum seekers, and on the two major parties—virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party ‘two-horse race’, television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a ‘presidential’-style political contest. John Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's Kim Beazley.     

Change and Continuity in Irish Politics: The General Election of 2007

Bertie Ahern, the incumbent Taoiseach or Prime Minister of Ireland, was elected to a third term in the general election of 24 May 2007. While Ahern's party, Fianna Fáil, was able to retain its governing coalition, the level of support of some of the other parties changed dramatically. Fine Gael, the principal opposition party, saw its number of seats in the parliament, Dáil Éireann, increase by nineteen. Some of the minor parties did less well than expected or compared to previous elections. Only the Greens maintained their six representatives. As a result, they were rewarded with a share in the new government. This election suggests that, while Irish society is changing rapidly, the political system is changing more slowly and subtly. This article examines the election results in terms of the fate of the political parties and focuses on one constituency, Tipperary South, to illustrate trends in Irish electoral politics.     

Neo-Conservatism and Presidential Nomination Reforms: A Critique

The neo-conservatives fault the post-1968 reforms in presidential nominations because, they argue, increased participation opportunities have weakened political parties and produced unrepresentative candidates who are unable to govern. They favor changes that would enhance the influence of party regulars and professionals because it is asserted that such participation would strengthen parties and encourage the selection of more popular and better qualified nominees. We argue that the critique suffers from several weaknesses: a failure to consider other plausible explanations for the effects attributed to the reforms; the use of inadequate or misleading measures; and the misuse of historical examples. In addition, we find that a key concept in their critique–professionalism– is not clearly defined, and that the several plausible definitions suffer from a variety of logical and analytic shortcomings. Although many political scientists     

国民党统治时期自由主义人权运动评析

人权为评估一国政治统治的合法性和正当性提供道德上的判断基准。只有当公民不再需要经常用人权与本国政府抗争时,此政府才被认为是合法的。鉴于史学界对国民党统治时期中国人权运动尚缺乏系统剖析,本文以介于国共之间的中间党派为历史考察对象,通过对其主导的人权运动作认真梳理,试图阐明中间党派的宪政思想及其新自由主义人权观的理论意蕴。