Conflict,Order, Harmony: The Modern Meaning of the Confucian Tradition

An examination of how a focus on the reading of traditional Confucian texts as a spiritual exercise can enable us to deal productively with modern understandings of the divergences among different ideals of human excellence.An investigation of such ideals has often focused on virtue discourse,but that discourse generates understandable suspicions in many people.A productive approach to these suspicions is to examine both the idea that new virtues (such as spiritual regret) are needed,and the notion that three distinctive modern emphases must play a central role in any contemporary consideration of the relationships among diverse ideals.After considering two kinds of principled opposition to this approach,we turn to Walter Benjamin's exemplary account of the huge gulf between modern and traditional understandings,and the possible aid some texts may offer in bridging it.Focusing on the distinctive operation of specific forms of presentation in the Confucian tradition,we conclude by investigating the idea that reading Confucian texts can be seen even today as an illuminating kind of spiritual exercise.     

家训文化中的德治思想及其现代审视

以德修身、以德齐家、以德治国是中国古代家训化中德治思想的重要内容,而修身进德、养育人的道德良心与高尚品质则是齐家治国的基础。家训化中的德治思想作为历史传统的一部分,对中国现代化进程中的思想化建设有着重要的启迪意义,主要表现在加强道德建设、注重“德”“刑”并用,顾全大局、协调人我、振兴礼仪之邦,强调家庭教育、注重家风熏染等方面。     

L'illusion métabiologique

In this article, I explore the complex and unappreciated relationship between the moral and political thought of Cicero and Adam Smith. Cicero’s views about justice, propriety, and the selfish love of praise find new expression in Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments. I illustrate the important ways in which Smith adopts – often without attribution – Cicero’s precepts and moral judgments. I then go on to demonstrate how Smith strips those Ciceronian conclusions from their original justifying grounds in teleology and natural law. In their place, Smith injects his own psychology based in sentiments as a new account of why it is that we prefer virtue and justice to their opposites. By exploring this relationship, I hope to shed light on an important dynamic whereby modern thought has creatively adapted classical moral and political concepts.     

History,memory and ‘lessons learnt’ for humanitarian practitioners

Abstract

This article concludes the special issue on the history of humanitarian aid by reflecting on the role of memory and history in relation to humanitarian aid. To address a special issue as a conclusion is to embrace the opportunity to reflect on its papers, aims and ambitions. It is also for us an opportunity to reflect on the role history has for a community of practice often forging ahead in response to the latest demands and emergencies. Historical thinking is now coming into greater salience for the world of humanitarian aid because, we argue, the ‘humanitarian sector’ has grown and aged – and professionalized and institutionalized.     

竹简秦汉律中的"赎罪"与"赎刑"

秦汉简牍中的“张家山汉律”和“云梦秦律”是我们研究秦汉法律中的“赎罪”与“赎刑”问题的史料基础,可以从以下四个方面进行切入分析:1.“赎罪”与“赎刑”的区别与联系;2.“赎罪”在秦汉律中的继承与发展;3.“赎罪”作为“规定刑”与“替换刑”的两个特点;4.张家山汉律中“赎罪”的其他特点。     

Anatomy of a Social Virtue

Abstract

Humanity is radically and pervasively interdependent. Catholic social teaching uses solidarity as the lens through which to critically examine our interdependence. Solidarity is multifaceted, at once a feeling, an attitude, and a duty, with each of these building to culminate in the virtue. How is solidarity a virtue? What are the habits and practices by which it is cultivated? To whom does it apply? And what, if any, are corresponding vices? This article proposes that solidarity is both an individual virtue and a social virtue. By offering an examination of the anatomy of this social virtue, this article will propose the scope and boundaries of solidarity, corresponding sets of vices for this virtue, and the cultivation of this virtue by communities through practicing respect for human rights.     

民主党派与抗日战争时期的民主宪政运动

民主党派在抗日战争时期参与的民主宪政运动极大地推进了抗日战争时期中国政治民主化进程,深刻影响了未来中国政治发展的走向。追求民主政治的强烈意愿是民主党派参与民主宪政运动的根本动因;国民党的独裁专制统治是其参与民主宪政运动的直接原因;国内外要求民主的强烈呼声是其参与民主宪政运动的外在动力;共产党的引领和帮助是其参与民主宪政运动的重要条件。民主党派经过民主宪政运动的历练,日渐成为中国政治舞台上一支不容忽视的力量;民主党派经过民主宪政运动的实践,对民主的理解更为深刻,对国民党蒋介石的本质认识得更加清楚;民主宪政运动是共产党与民主党派合作共事的成功实践,为革命胜利后中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度莫定了基础。     

Creativity and its contexts: the emergence,institutionalisation and professionalisation of science and culture in Luxembourg

While an abundant literature on the social history of culture and science in Europe has developed over the past few decades, there is to date hardly any academic work exploring the social history of science and culture in Luxembourg. The aim of this article is to put Luxembourg ‘on the map’ by focusing on its scientific research and museums in order to examine the emergence, institutionalisation and professionalisation of Luxembourg's science and culture. It will be argued that the most radical changes occurred in the 1980s and 1990s: a multiplication of infrastructures, an increase in budgets, a professionalisation of practices, the emergence of a market for artworks, and an appearance of dedicated policies. During this period, both the material architecture and the socioeconomic architecture of science and culture have been significantly (re)configured. Within the political debates accompanying these changes, the discourses stressing the positionality and relationality of science and culture are noteworthy: while both were increasingly positioned within a European context, research was predominantly portrayed as a resource to boost Luxembourg's economy whereas culture more as a complement to Luxembourg's image of a financial player and a means to ‘regenerate’ its symbolic capital.     

由经有数家、家有数说到括囊大典、贯通六艺——论郑玄通学的产生

郑玄通学的形成背景需要进一步探讨,晚清今文家关于两汉经学一直壁垒森严,到郑玄才被打破的说法影响还很大.其实汉代的经今古文学根本没有那么壁垒森严,"通"早已是一种大趋势,这一事实已有学者申说过,但其原因,笔者以为重要的是自王莽以后朝廷的导向,这是不容忽视的,经学作为政治统治学说,朝廷的引导往往在其中起着决定性的作用.     

建立健全民主监督机制进一步发展我国的多党合作制度

发挥民主党派的监督作用,是发展社会主义民主政治、坚持和完善社会主义民主制度的必然要求,也是改革和完善党的领导方式与执政方式的一个重要方面。我国多党合作和政治协商制度的不断完善,能够使民主党派通过合法而有效的途径和方式,经常地和多方面地对执政党实行民主监督。各民主党派只有不断加强自身建设,才能更好地发挥监督的优势、提高民主监督的水平。     

论党内民主主体素质的提高

党员是党内民主的主体,党员队伍的民主素质决定党内民主的实现和发展程度,党内民主制度的制定和实施也只有在党员民主素质全面提高的基础上才能收到预期的效果,这就决定了提高党员民主素质是进一步发展党内民主的基础工作。新时期,提高党员民主素质的重点是增强党员民主意识。只有进一步肃清封建残余思想的影响、改善党内民主生活氛围、加强党内民主制度建设,党员民主素质才能得到切实提高。     

我国目前不宜废除经济犯罪死刑

死刑问题是现代刑法理论研究和国际刑法所关注的一个热点和焦点问题。从我国目前的现实情况来看,暂不宜废除经济犯罪死刑,主要原因有:重刑思想的深远影响、人权观念还比较淡薄、政治制度尚不完善、法律制度仍有缺陷、经济犯罪形势严峻。     

Administrative learning or political blaming? Public servants,parliamentary committees and the drama of public accountability

In theory, within Westminster systems the buck stops with the minister. Ministers are responsible for the actions of their departments and accountable for policy outcomes. In practice, it is often senior public servants rather than their ministerial masters who face the fierce questions of parliamentary committees when things go wrong. This article uses dramaturgy theory and blame theory to assess whether the nature of the parliamentary committee setting encourages or inhibits opportunities for a ‘learning’ type of accountability. Through a comparative study of committee appearances by public servants in the UK and Australia, the article argues that the adversarial nature of committee hearings encourages ‘blame games’ that do little to guarantee better decision-making in the future.

从理论上讲,西敏制下的大臣再不能推脱责任。大臣需要对其部门的行动、对政策结果负责。但在实践中,出了问题,通常是高级官员而非各部大臣面对议会专门委员会的激烈质询。本文借用演剧理论及责备理论评估议会内委员会的设置是有利于还是不利于学习型的问责。通过比较英澳两国议会委员会的样态,作者认为委员会听证的对抗性质只是鼓励“责备”,并不利于未来的正确决策。