社会转型中的制度供给与需求--民初国会失败原因再探讨

民初建立的包括国会在内的一整套民主共和制度是一种供给主导型的制度变迁,这种变迁模式的成败取决于提供制度变迁的权力主体是否具有权威和理想。这一制度第一供给主体是南京临时政府,他们有理想但缺少权威,第二供给主体是北京政府,他们有权威但无理想。国会作为民主政治生活中限制个人独裁、维护公民权利的根本措施,就无法成功地在中国运行。制度需求的缺失也是造成国会失败的原因之一,但不是主要原因。     

变革中的西方经济地理学:制度、文化、关系与尺度转向

1980年代以来,在社会科学日益走向多元化和\"后现代主义\"的背景下,西方经济地理学开始了一个前所未有的急剧变动时期,无论是研究的主要论题,还是研究的内容、理论和方法以及表述的方式与风格,均经历并正在经历深刻的变革。与上一世纪50-60年代的\"计量和理论革命\"和70- 80年代的\"马克思主义转向\"相比,这次变革不仅发生在方法论和认识论层面,而且许多也发生在本体论层面,它使西方经济地理学的视角走向了高度的多样化和复杂化。本文在分析这次变革的起点:马克思主义转向及其批判的基础上,从制度转向、文化转向、关系转向、尺度转向4个相互交织的方面,系统勾勒了西方经济地理学理论视角变动的主线,讨论了这些视角变动的方向、成因、意义和局限性。     

从耦合到演化：环境经济地理研究范式的转变

随着人类活动对自然环境影响与改造的日益加深,人文与经济地理学者把经济地理学研究范式与环境要素相结合,形成环境经济地理学研究方向,并随着经济地理学研究范式的转变其研究主题和研究视角也随之变化。通过对1970—2020年经济—环境相关文献的计量分析和总结归纳,发现环境经济地理相关研究不断融入新内容和新思路,研究主题逐步多元;在研究范式上,区别于传统耦合研究过度注重经济—环境交互作用的结果,环境经济地理研究逐渐出现关注经济—环境互动的社会、制度要素的制度转向,关注经济—环境互动中主体的关联和网络构建的关系转向,和关注经济—环境互动的动态过程和调和机制的演化转向。集成现有的理论基础,综合多元的研究范式,环境经济地理研究仍有较大的深化空间。     

What kind of veto player is the Italian Senate? A comparative analysis of European second chambers

The literature finds evidence that the presence of strong institutional veto players correlates with policy gridlocks. In recent years, in several European countries the rationale of parliamentary second chambers as veto players has been called into question. With regard to Italy, in 2016 the parliament approved a broad constitutional reform, later rejected by a referendum. According to the proponents, this reform would have made Italian institutions more functional in a comparative perspective. Did voters actually block some sort of functionality? To answer this question, this article presents a systematic comparison of second chambers in the European Union. The theoretical framework is based on three dimensions of strength, operationalized by means of quantitative indicators and a comprehensive index of strength. The article ends with a discussion of the findings and a proposal for further research outlooks.     

Reform in the Canadian Parliament and the US Congress: Institutional Choices and Member Power

A spate of recent work on the Canadian Parliament highlights the importance of constituency pressures in understanding the legislative behavior of individual Members of Parliament (MPs). In light of this renaissance, we reexamine decisions by Canadian Liberal Party MPs to defy Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and his cabinet by supporting party-weakening reform in 2002. More specifically, we model votes on the question of selecting committee chairs through secret ballot as a function of factors both internal and external to the Parliament. While we find some evidence of exogenous, constituency-based forces, we find that support for reform was largely driven by internal party power dynamics. We gain additional insight into our findings by comparing this reform to analogous reforms in the US Congress. The patterns we uncover highlight the stark difference between the “double monopoly of power” held by party leaders in Westminster-style legislatures and the lack of such a monopoly in Congress. We conclude by advocating for more such comparisons, arguing that careful efforts to synthesize these and other similar reforms can improve our understanding of both legislatures despite the obvious and important differences between them.     

Why the History of Parliament Has Not Been Written*

There have been legions of individual studies of the history of the English/British/United Kingdom parliament, which is not surprising, since its history is widely acknowledged to be so closely bound up with the history of the nation state itself. But there have been remarkably few attempts to put the story together, to try to consider the long‐term development of parliament as an institution. What would such a story look like? This essay discusses some of the critiques of the whiggish narrative of constitutional and parliamentary development to recognise a common theme in whiggism's tendency to anthropomorphise parliament, to describe it as a single organism with agency and purpose. To forgo that temptation, however, makes it difficult to provide a satisfying narrative of parliament over time. The essay tries to imagine how one might construct a history of parliament as an institution which no longer sees it as an actor in its own story, but, instead, a complex collection of ideas, processes, customs, and conventions, which competing forces struggle to organise in order to achieve their goals, and which is also an arena and forum for that competition.     

西方现代劳动力地理学研究进展及对中国研究的意义

劳动力地理学研究有助于理解全球化背景下劳动力作为当前国际国内经济转型和产业区位的一个重要因素及其发生作用的内在机制,对指导劳动力市场调节、促进地方劳动力市场发展具有重要意义。本文总结了国外劳动力地理学理论研究的起源,认为其理论演变经历了由新古典经济地理学区位理论,到马克思主义新经济地理理论,到近年来\"文化、制度转向\"的劳动力市场地理发展历程。介绍了近年来地方化劳动力市场地理理论和实证研究领域,及其对产业空间组织的影响等方面所取得的最新进展。在对当前的研究进行评述的基础上,指出不足和未来方向。与西方学术界相比,我国相关理论研究较为欠缺,尤其是文化、制度等因素对我国劳动力市场影响的研究有待进一步加强。     

Sir Henry Cavendish (1732–1804), Parliamentarian in Two Countries

Sir Henry Cavendish, who sat in the Irish parliament from 1766 to 1768 and from 1776 to 1800, and in the Westminster parliament from 1768 to 1774, was a parliamentarian par excellence. His chief claim to fame is as a parliamentary diarist, in both houses of commons, noting down in shorthand some five million words. But this article is on Cavendish as a politician. He was a prolific speaker in both parliaments. But finding himself only a second‐rate debater, he cultivated two fields of expertise: finance, and, above all, parliamentary procedure. Here his knowledge soon became unequalled, and virtually unchallenged by the last two decades of the Irish parliament, where he became notorious as a master of obstruction. His political career was erratic, often in opposition, increasingly in government, a permanent officeholder by the end.     

新文化地理学视角下的文化景观研究进展

论文梳理近三十年英美新文化地理学有关文化景观的研究脉络,介绍文化、意义和表征等基本概念。按哲学基础将其分为社会马克思主义影响下的景观面纱、生产研究,语言学影响下的景观文本研究,知识建构论的景观作为梭子,女性主义影响下的景观作为凝视,以及景观想象与身份问题研究。多元化的哲学基础和研究方法开拓了研究视野,也促进了人文地理学研究范式的转变。     

国会解散与进步党的分裂瓦解

1913年11月4日袁世凯以非法命令取消国民党议员资格,致使国会不足法定人数而解散,这是斩断中华民国法统的重大事变.国民党被查禁后,进步党是唯一的重要政党,但熊梁内阁副署命令引发进步党分裂为国会派(议会民主派)和内阁派(开明专制派).以熊希龄、梁启超为首的内阁派基于开明专制思想,希望通过依附北洋派的专制力量推行自己的开明政策;而以国会议员为主体的国会派坚持议会政治理想,不肯通过牺牲国会的尊严来延续国会的存在.维持国会的活动终于失败,进步党也在两派纷争之中逐渐瓦解.进步党的失败标志着民初各派分享权力格局的结束和袁世凯独裁统治的开始.     

一省之议会:咨议局性质发微

岑春煊1907年建议各省设立的咨议局,以及其后江苏绅士与安徽官绅所设计的咨议局,虽然在本质上都不是完全的议会机构,但设计者都将其定位为"全省"的机关,而非"地方"的机关。法部在批评岑氏的时候,更是提出,必须先建立地方议会,才能建立省议会,地方议会是咨议局的基础。1908年出台的通行全国的《咨议局章程》,将咨议局定位为"一省之议会"。在上奏《咨议局章程》的奏折中,在与于式枚辩难的过程中,宪政编查馆都强调,由于中国的行省不同于各国的"地方",咨议局不同于各国的地方议会,而是中国特有的省议会。清季对议会系统的规划,是国会、省议会与地方议会,而非国会与地方议会。今人多将咨议局称为地方议会,实错解了当时制度设计者的良苦用心。     

Can advocacy change the views of politicians about aid? The potential and limits of a presence-based approach

Advocates of foreign aid in OECD countries navigate a unique form of politics. The beneficiaries of foreign aid spending have little voice in elite level decision-making about aid commitments from OECD countries. Thus foreign aid spending has a form of politics unlike other areas of policy where there is more direct budget accountability with citizens. Scholarly attention has increased on this unusual domestic politics of aid spending yet there remains little examination of the opportunities, challenges and tensions for aid organisations in advocating to elected officials. This article focuses on the case of Australian foreign aid, and the Australian Aid and Parliament project, an initiative of Save the Children. This initiative facilitates exposure visits to aid recipient countries for Australian parliamentarians. Most aid advocacy projects in OECD countries rely on mobilising citizens of those countries to act as a proxy, advocating on behalf of aid beneficiaries. This project reveals the potential of advocacy efforts that focus on the direct ‘presence’ of aid beneficiaries in the experience of elected officials (from donor countries). Yet it also reveals several challenges, and tensions between advocates, about how aid commitments change, and the most effective role for advocacy groups to play.     

Reasons for leaving: The effect of conflict on English landholding in late thirteenth-century Leinster

In 1297 a parliament was convened at Dublin one of the main purposes of which was to defend more effectively the borders of the English lordship of Ireland. The conquest of Ireland had never been complete. Several of the pre-conquest kingdoms survived beyond the effective edge of the English lordship and elsewhere the actions of conquistador and settler had pushed the native Irish up into the hills. Consequently, the settler population in many parts of Ireland lived in close proximity to areas under Gaelic control. This was not a particular problem in the eastern province of Leinster until the 1270s when the Irish of the Wicklow mountains began to raid settler manors. It has recently been suggested that the effects of this ‘Gaelic revival’ and the legislation passed at the Dublin parliament to deal with its effects led several English lords to cut their landholding ties with Ireland. This article questions how important a factor conflict actually was in the decision-making processes of such English lords by examining their withdrawal from Ireland in a wider context. It concludes by pointing out that withdrawals from a landholding community were not necessarily negative in their effect or cause.     

Reasons for leaving: The effect of conflict on English landholding in late thirteenth-century Leinster

In 1297 a parliament was convened at Dublin one of the main purposes of which was to defend more effectively the borders of the English lordship of Ireland. The conquest of Ireland had never been complete. Several of the pre-conquest kingdoms survived beyond the effective edge of the English lordship and elsewhere the actions of conquistador and settler had pushed the native Irish up into the hills. Consequently, the settler population in many parts of Ireland lived in close proximity to areas under Gaelic control. This was not a particular problem in the eastern province of Leinster until the 1270s when the Irish of the Wicklow mountains began to raid settler manors. It has recently been suggested that the effects of this ‘Gaelic revival’ and the legislation passed at the Dublin parliament to deal with its effects led several English lords to cut their landholding ties with Ireland. This article questions how important a factor conflict actually was in the decision-making processes of such English lords by examining their withdrawal from Ireland in a wider context. It concludes by pointing out that withdrawals from a landholding community were not necessarily negative in their effect or cause.     

Northern Ireland Representation at Westminster: Constitutional Conundrums and Political Manœuvres

This article focuses on the issue of Northern Ireland's representation at Westminster. It investigates the political context of the decision to increase Northern Ireland's representation in the house of commons at Westminster from 12 members to 17 in 1978–9. Exploring this episode in more detail, it is argued, provides a more informed overall understanding of the history of devolution in the UK and of the way issues concerning Northern Ireland often overlapped with questions of constitutional change in Scotland and Wales. The article also throws light on the matter of Northern Ireland MPs and their voting rights at Westminster during Northern Ireland's experience of devolution prior to 1972.     

The Irish Parliamentary Diary (1776–89) of Sir Henry Cavendish

This article clarifies the history of the ‘parliamentary diary’ compiled by Sir Henry Cavendish while a member of the Irish parliament between 1776 and 1789, correcting misapprehensions in previous accounts, in particular the assertion by A.P.W. Malcomson and D.J. Jackson that Cavendish paid less attention to recording debates in the 1780s.     

‘A Rather Novel Constitutional Experiment’: The Formation of the 1977–8 ‘Lib‐Lab Pact’

By March 1977, the Labour government which had narrowly been re‐elected in the October 1974 election, had lost its parliamentary majority, and was facing a vote of confidence tabled by the Conservative opposition. Senior Labour figures thus desperately sought to secure support from one of the minor parties. Unable to broker a deal with either the Ulster Unionists or the Scottish National Party (SNP), largely due to ideological differences, the Labour leadership entered into negotiations with the Liberal leader, David Steel. The result was that the Liberal Party agreed to provide the Labour government with parliamentary support, in return for consultation, via a joint committee, over future policies, coupled with the reintroduction of devolution legislation, and a pledge to provide for direct elections for the European parliament (ideally using some form of proportional representation). There was some surprise that Steel had not pressed for more, or stronger, policy commitments or concessions from the Labour prime minister, James Callaghan, but Steel was thinking long term; he envisaged that Liberal participation in the joint consultative committee would foster closer co‐operation between Liberals and Labour moderates/social democrats, and eventually facilitate a realignment of British politics by marginalising both the Labour left, and the increasingly right‐wing Conservatives Party.