Becoming a camorrista : criminal culture and life choices in Naples

In 1992, Pasquale Galasso, a Camorra superboss, revealed many intricate secrets about the Neapolitan Camorra. This led to revelations from other pentiti (criminals turned state witnesses), allowing an insight for the first time into the Neapolitan Camorra from the insider's point of view. Understanding why individuals join a criminal organization, the Camorra in particular, is one of the questions addressed in this article. Using primary sources and an 'interaction model' based on the interplay of agency and structure, it studies the impact of Neapolitan criminal culture on an individual's life choices in the 1950s, and compares these with the 1980s and 1990s. It concludes that while in the 1950s criminal values were emerging as an ethos and had a somewhat limited impact on individuals, by the 1980s this ethos had become a clear 'subculture', an 'ideology' which had a pervasive influence on the life choices of many young Neapolitans. Nel 1992, Pasquale Galasso, super boss della Camorra, rivelÒ parecchi segreti sulle cosche napoletanc. La sua disponibilitÀ a collaborare spinse altri pentiti a seguire il suo csempio. CiÒ consentì per la prima volta di conoscere in maniera più approfondita la Camorra tramite le rivelazioni di alcuni dei suoi membri. Pertanto, i motivi per cui si sceglie di entrare nella Camorra è una fra le questioni analizzate nel presente articolo. Attraverso l'uso di fonti primarie e di un modello interattivo caratterizzato da una combinazione tra capacitÀ decisionale e struttura organizzativa, l'articolo sviluppa una analisi comparativa sull'impatto di una cultura criminale napoletana nei confronti delle scelte di singoli individui negli anni cinquanta, ottanta e novanta. Le conclusioni di questo studio sottolineano che, sebbene negli anni cinquanta una cultura criminale stava acquisendo un valore etico, essa aveva una influenza minima sulle scelte comportamentali dei singoli soggetti; mentre dagli anni ottanta era ormai divenuta una subcultura, una ideologia che aveva prodotto un impatto notevole sulle scelte di vita di molti giovani napoletani.     

世界新闻史上的丑闻与笑料——日本新闻传媒对侵华日军进攻南京战役的多次不实报道

在日本侵华战争中,被军国主义狂热笼罩的日本新闻传媒失去了理智与道德.在1937年12月侵华日军进攻中国首都南京的战役中,日本随军记者与日本各大新闻传媒多次作了不实报道:既凭空捏造中国军民防守的南京"完全变成了一个鬼魂哭叫的死亡街道",又在日军尚被阻击在南京远郊时,几次虚报日军"占领"南京的"胜利消息",引起了日本的"举国狂欢".此举遭到一些知情者的质疑与批驳,成为世界新闻史上的丑闻与笑料.     

British Diplomatic Attitudes towards Europe, 1801–4Ignorant and Indifferent?

Recent decades have seen a rehabilitation of the reputation of Henry Addington's and Lord Hawkesbury's foreign policy during the course of the former's government, 1801–4. Nevertheless, the existing historiography has done little to place their actions in the wider context of British foreign policy in the early nineteenth century, nor to assess them in light of the debate around the arguments of Paul W. Schroeder's systemic theories and his attacks on eighteenth-century balance-of-power politics. This article argues that Schroeder's theories need qualifying in relation to this period and shall demonstrate that Addington and Hawkesbury conducted a logical, consistent, and Euro-centric balance-of-power policy, and one rooted in rules and assumptions governing their conduct, rather than a pell-mell free-for-all diplomatic system. It furthermore raises questions as to the continuity in British foreign policy and the need for additional research in this area.     

麦克米伦政府与塞浦路斯独立

麦克米伦执政时期,塞浦路斯已成为英国的一种负担。岛内希腊族人要求归并希腊,为此与土耳其族人、英国殖民当局发生的武装冲突愈演愈烈。由于希腊和土耳其的介入,塞浦路斯问题日益复杂化和国际化。出于现实的考虑,麦克米伦政府不断修改对塞浦路斯的政策,最终在保留英国军事基地主权的前提下同意塞浦路斯独立。英国由此从塞浦路斯的泥淖中得以脱身,塞浦路斯岛内则获得了短暂的和平。     

The Intervention Crisis of 1862: A British Diplomatic Dilemma?

In the fall of 1862, William Ewart Gladstone opened a cabinet debate whether Great Britain should intervene in the American Civil War. Influenced by the staggering death toll and lack of results, the British cabinet contemplated a humanitarian intervention. Coinciding with the debate was a cabinet crisis in France over French policies toward Italy and more importantly the overthrow of the Greek king. The revolution in Greece reopened the Eastern Question and forced the Palmerston Government to carefully consider its foreign policy. By closely looking at the chronological overlap of the intervention debate, the French cabinet crisis, and the Greek Revolution, this article shows the interplay of the entangled global crises during the fall of 1862 and their impact on trans-Atlantic diplomacy. The British Government had to determine whether the situation in North America or the containment of Russia and the Eastern Question required attention more urgently. The British Government determined that threats closer to home mattered more.     

The Failure of ‘Liberal Developmentalism’: The United States's Anti-Communist Showcase in Guatemala, 1954–1960

This article examines the British involvement in the reorganisation of the Ottoman Empire's customs service. The study focuses particularly on the role of Sir Richard Crawford, who was appointed as a consultant to the Ottoman customs administration in 1909. In doing so, the article sheds fresh light on the position of European advisers as well as on British commercial diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire during the years preceding the First World War. This topic warrants further historical research as previous studies have not considered Crawford's position and the progress of the customs reform in detail. He introduced some important reforms, but proved unable to solve the complex question over the porterage service or to increase customs revenue as much as had been anticipated. War and revolution as well as the consequent disruption of trade; the vast geographical scope of the Ottoman Empire; and opposition from local and international stakeholders to his reforms explain to some extent why Crawford was unable to modernise the customs service as effectively as had been planned. In addition, Crawford's professional background and his personal characteristics were in some ways incompatible with the requirements of the demanding diplomatic world of Constantinople.     

Slanted Newspaper Coverage of Immigration: The Importance of Economics and Geography

When compared to studies of media effects, relatively few studies of the media focus on factors that influence the behavior of media organizations. Specifically, there are few empirical studies of the attributes and incentives of news organizations that might lead to slanted coverage of particular policy issues. In this study, we identify factors that lead to negatively slanted coverage of a specific policy issue: immigration. Using content analysis, geographic information systems (GIS) data, and contextual data, we find that newspaper ownership and proximity to the U.S.–Mexico border are related to slant in news articles and opinion pieces regarding immigration.     

1935年萨尔全民公决与英国外交

根据《凡尔赛和约》,德国的重要工业基地萨尔划归国联管理15年,期满后将通过全民投票的方式决定萨尔的归属。1933年希特勒在德国上台后萨尔地方治安日趋动荡,公决能否顺利进行一度成了悬案。在如何维护萨尔地区秩序、确保公决顺利实施的问题上,英国起初反对法国准备动用军队的主张,其后又转变态度,同意组建以英意军队为主的国际部队负责萨尔公决期间的秩序。英国在是否出兵维持萨尔秩序这个问题上所做的政策调整是贯彻其对德绥靖政策的需要,其根本目的是希望萨尔问题的顺利解决能够为恢复与德国的裁军谈判创造条件。但是,萨尔的顺利回归助长了德国毁约扩军的野心,最终使英国的盘算落了空。     

浅谈新闻媒体在构建和谐社会中的作用

构建和谐社会,新闻媒体肩负着重要的职责。做好构建和谐社会的舆论宣传工作,新闻媒体必须进一步挖掘潜能,提高宣传质量和舆论引导水平,更好地为构建和谐社会提供强大的舆论支持。     

The Nor’-Wester and the Saskatchewan Gold Rush

ABSTRACT

This article explores the phenomenon of how news about the discovery of gold on the North Saskatchewan River in British administrated Rupert's Land was propagated by the press in the early 1860s. It tracks the resonance of gold rush news first in the Nor’-Wester, a newspaper published in the Red River Settlement, and then reveals how this paper's coverage was re-published and transmitted across the Anglophone world. The article shows how news about the Saskatchewan gold rush was highly politicised. In the Red River Settlement, editors of the Nor’-Wester sought to spur on the British parliament to implement responsible government in the colony, issuing dire warnings about the potential repercussions of a mass migration to the region and the need to act precipitously. Likewise, in newspapers across North America, editors republished and endorsed news from the Nor’-Wester about the Saskatchewan gold fields to benefit their own communities. But while editors championed the Saskatchewan gold fields to lure potential gold rushers to the region, no large-scale migration to the Northwest occurred. While news about the Saskatchewan gold fields may have been popular across the Anglophone world, it was not actionable. While news reports conveyed the impression that a gold rush was ongoing on the North Saskatchewan River, the reality on the ground did not match the press coverage.     

试论转型期地方电视新闻媒体的舆论主导性

新时期,党中央、国务院对电视新闻媒体工作提出了新的更高的要求。地方电视新闻媒体只有充分发挥其舆论导向作用,才能当好党和政府及人民的喉舌,弘扬时代主旋律。     

The anti-Francoist movements and the Middle East conflict (1947–57): The portrayal of Israelis and Arabs in the Spanish left-wing press

To date, scholars have not examined the representations of the Middle East conflict in the 1940s and 1950s by the Spanish anti-Francoist movements. This work analyzes media narratives concerning Arabs and Israelis produced between 1947 and 1957 by the communist, socialist and anarchist press. Through a critical analysis of the articles published in those years, it is possible to demonstrate that the coverage of the Spanish left-wing periodicals was not rooted in the realities of the Middle East, but rather in the political and ideological interests of their parties.     

The Geopolitics of the ‘Future Return’: Britain's Century-Long Challenges to Norway's Control over the Spitsbergen Archipelago

Within the context of Arctic geopolitics, the article focuses on British policies toward Spitsbergen or Svalbard over the past century. The 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty accorded Norway sovereignty over the archipelago, but it gave other signatories, including Britain, non-discriminatory access to its natural resources. It is argued that while geopolitical interests have played a role in Britain's policy-making, its main rationale has been a determination to use international law to protect pre-existing mining rights and potential future oil rights in the Svalbard area. Apart from Russia, Britain has been most active in challenging Norway's interpretation of its sovereign rights, especially the view about the treaty's non-applicability to Exclusive Economic Zones and continental shelves. It is shown that the Britain's economic focus was tempered during the Cold War by the need for Western solidarity and for supporting Norway's resistance to Soviet Spitsbergen claims. But having been instrumental in watering down Norway's sovereignty provisions in the negotiations on the Spitsbergen Treaty, Britain has never been prepared to abandon its interpretation of the treaty's stipulations on natural resources and equal access to the archipelago's maritime areas.