Bad Language and BBC Radio Four in the 1960s and 1970s

In the late 1960s and early 1970s there was a new intensityto complaints from listeners to BBC Radio about the strong languagethey heard on the air. There had long been a public expectationthat the BBC had some form of ‘guardianship’ overthe English language, but there was also now a desire from manyproducers within the BBC to reflect contemporary society moreclosely than it had done in the past, and the use of demoticspeech in dramas and documentaries was one dimension of thischange. Such a desire was part of a broader move towards ‘decensorship’in literature, film, theatre, and popular mores in Britain inthis period. The tension this caused between broadcasters andlisteners was especially acute on Radio Four—the main‘broad brow’ speech network of BBC Radio, and onecharacterized by a fiercely conservative audience. Through previouslyunpublished records of its internal discussions between c.1968and c.1979, this article explores the response of the BBC tolisteners’ complaints and press coverage about swearing.It suggests that BBC Radio reacted strongly to audience concern,but that wider anxiety about the reputation of the BBC as awhole also affected decisions over language. In so doing, itillustrates a previously neglected dimension to the BBC's taskof negotiating a precarious consensus on matters of taste anddecency.     

20世纪三四十年代的中国边疆研究及其发展趋向

20世纪三四十年代,大量专业的边疆研究刊物、社团创立,部分大学设置了边政学系等边疆教育研究机构,边疆研究的内容在传承中得到了拓伸,同时也开始了构建近代意义的边疆研究方法与理论的尝试。这一时期的边疆研究重视中华民族观念的讨论,是"致用"与"致知"双重社会需求的产物,具有明显的政府组织与推动的时代特征,表现出突破传统史学窠臼向独立学科发展的基本趋势,在研究理念上呈现出跨学科综合研究的多维视角。     

Christian co-operation and the ecumenical ideal in the 1930s and 1940s

This article looks at the early ecumenical movement and the difficulties confronting Christian co-operation. It is particularly concerned with co-operation between the Roman and non-Roman churches. It explores how a combination of institutional suspicion, individual prejudice, and political considerations at both the national and international level, exacerbated an already complex and difficult situation caused by deep doctrinal divisions and ancient animosity. In addition to the institutional obstacles to be overcome in realising the ecumenical ideal, its advocates, despite believing in the principle and working selflessly toward its achievement, harboured severe doubts about the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church which hindered the very task they had set themselves. Insights into this dilemma are provided by the struggle of William Temple, perhaps one of the most well known and respected figures in the ecumenical movement, to overcome his own anti-Roman sentiments and suspicions. Temple's inner conflicts and the influence of external events are key components illustrating the complex amalgam of problems that confronted early ecumenists. Post-war reactions following Temple's death to his efforts to facilitate a wartime approach to Pius XII serve not only to extend the insights, but also to demonstrate further the constraints and limitations imposed by secular as well as ecclesiastical politics.     

Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s

This paper examines the relationship between the state and art collectors during the 1950s and 1960s in Shanghai. It explores how the state gained control over art and collecting, by building state museums, by co-opting connoisseurs and their collections, and by extending “socialist transformation” to the antiquities market in 1956. However, state control was far from complete, and some trade in antiquities continued outside of official channels. To crack down on this illegal trade, cultural authorities in Shanghai launched a Five-Antis Campaign in 1964 to punish alleged art speculators. Through its cultural institutions and political campaigns, the state controlled culture but did not monopolize it.     

20世纪五六十年代《大公报》的改组与转型

新中国成立后,《大公报》之所以能够成为新中国财经战线的机关报,与它作为民办报纸的影响力有关,与它政治立场的适时转变有关,与它对于资本主义的了解、对于国际问题报道的熟捻有关。《大公报》的成功改组和转型,反映了中共对于优秀文化资产改造和利用的有效性,有成功的经验和可资吸取的教训。     

20世纪五六十年代中国史学的基本走向

20世纪已经结束了。 2 0世纪的中国发生了天翻地覆的巨大变化。2 0世纪的中国史学同样经历了急剧的演变。在跨入新世纪的时刻 ,为了更好地推动中国史学的发展 ,我们很有必要认真地总结和反思它在 2 0世纪的发展。大家都承认 ,2 0世纪的中国史学取得了重大的成就 ,同时也存在许多问题。在学界中对这些成就和问题至今存在着不同的看法 ,这本是很正常的现象。重要的是 ,我们应该通过不同意见的交流和切磋来加深我们的认识 ,更好地进行总结和反思 ,从而促使我国的史学在新世纪发展得更快更健康。这就是本刊举办这次学术讨论的目的。应该说明的是 :一 ,这次学术讨论的题目和范围是 2 0世纪中国史学的发展 ,重点是 1 94 9年新中国成立以后。二 ,讨论的重点是对 2 0世纪的中国史学或其中的某个阶段 ,或某个学派 ,某个学术思潮 ,某个史学分支 ,某个重大专题 ,某个史学领域 ,某种重要现象等从总体上进行观察和评述。一般不对某个具体学者进行讨论和评述。三 ,讨论必须坚持“百花齐放 ,百家争鸣”的方针。欢迎发表各种不同意见 ,进行平等的讨论。四 ,讨论中的任何意见均不代表编辑部的看法。文责均由作者自负。     

The globalisation process and the Eastern bloc countries in the 1970s and 1980s

This article examines the position of the Eastern Bloc countries in the economic globalisation which spread in the last third of the twentieth century. The main emphasis is on the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Therefore two significant dimensions of economic globalisation have been selected: trade and capital-market transactions. The first part of this paper provides an outline of globalisation processes and their causes during the 1970s and 1980s. The second part deals with the role of Eastern bloc countries in globalisation trends, including an examination of the motivations and intentions behind their foreign-trade operations. This becomes the basis to explore the attitude of Eastern bloc countries to the institutions of globalisation (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT], the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank). As it turns out, it seems questionable whether the Eastern bloc countries had ever been able actively to determine the conditions of globalisation. They probably only had an influence as their very existence presented a line of demarcation to the global world: because of their own policies and because of the defence reactions of the West.     

Two places and three times: fragments retrieved of India and Australia in the 1950s, 1960s and 1980s.

This article uses memory and specifically my memories to build up a sense of how Australians perceived India in the second half of the 20th century. I focus first on the late 1950s to consider Australian perceptions of India as seen through my eyes as a university student. I then present my observations as a student studying in India in the first half of the 1960s to track the limited awareness of Australia in India. The final section, based mainly on newspaper clippings of the late 1980s, assesses how India featured in Australian perceptions some two decades on and in the very different world of the day – one that was much more knowledgeable but not necessarily significantly more involved.     

20世纪二三十年代豫西南豪绅政治的特点及其实质

在20世纪二三十年代,豫西南地方豪绅通过掌握地方武装,牢固控制当地社会资源,建立起"自治"或"半自治"式的地方政权,当地社会结构日益呈现暴力倾向。新的豪绅政权不但未能改变当地畸形的社会结构,反而进一步恶化了当地的社会生态。     

20世纪二三十年代安徽小学教员及其生计初探

19世纪末以来,随着现代教育的发展,教师逐渐成为一个新兴的职业群体。20世纪二三十年代,在安徽从事初等教育的主要是一个以中等学校毕业为主的男性群体。他们接受的是现代科学的训练,尽管学历不高,年龄不大,但却是乡村社会中的知识传播精英。他们收入微薄,繁重的生活压力与工作负担使得他们最终成为乡村革命的播火者。     

Police and Political Violence in the 1960s and 1970s: Germany and Italy in a Comparative Perspective

Notwithstanding the significant differences between the German and Italian police models (federal and civil vs. centralised and militarised), in both countries the confrontation with the protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s had a profound impact on police conceptions and public order strategies. Police forces in some German federal states (West Berlin) followed a hard line until the late 1960s, while in others (Munich, Hamburg) reforms to the Weimar-centred police intervention tactics took place beginning in the early to mid-1960s. In Italy, traditional police conceptions and strategies remained largely unchanged and re-emerged in 1968. Here, a movement from within the police led to the demilitarisation and unionisation of the state police in 1981. In both countries, fighting left-wing terrorism in the 1970s stimulated technical modernisation and enhanced the centralisation of the police. In critical response to police tactics, in the late 1970s Germany police matters were increasingly perceived as a concern not only of the state but of civil society—even if policing remained a highly contested terrain. In Italy, such matters largely remained state concerns in which only politicians and internal security specialists were entitled to intervene.     

The Left(s) and Nationalism(s) in contemporary Western Europe

This article introduces our themed section on The Left(s) and Nationalism(s), which provides a comparative analysis of the relationship between nationalism and different left-wing parties in Western Europe. It highlights the innovative comparative perspectives offered by this themed section, which not only concerns a series of different geographical cases studies but also involves the ideological plurality of the Left. The larger research question that our contributors address is how different left-wing parties have dealt with the inherent ideological tension between the universality claimed by the Left and the particularism inherent in nationalism, as a doctrine and a principle of political legitimacy. The article stresses three main contributions of our themed section: (1) Western European left-wing parties do engage with the themes of nationalism and nationhood, but they often rely on convenient silence to solve some of the contradictions with their progressive ideology. (2) None of these parties have formulated thick versions of the respective national identities. (3) State-wide left-wing parties have used instrumental conceptions of nationhood to address the challenge of separatist parties, but only with mixed results.     

论20世纪七八十年代日本的石油危机对策

面对突如其来的石油危机 ,日本首先在对外政策上采取稳住石油供应对策 ,放弃对阿以冲突的“中立”政策 ,采取支持阿拉伯国家的“亲阿拉伯”政策 ,加强同中东产油国关系。随着石油危机的缓解 ,日本又积极开展国际合作 ,与西方石油消费大国共同合作避免石油危机再度袭来。与此同时 ,日本在对内政策上大力开展调整主要产业结构对策 ,放弃以重化学工业为主的产业结构 ,发展低能耗、高科技产业 ,力争从根本上摆脱石油危机的困扰。     

1920-1930年代国家主义派之内在文化理路

“醒狮运动”之初,国家主义派致力建构中西杂糅之文化保守主义体系,以为其运动之意识形态。其现代学理厥为以欧陆玄学为基础的历史文化哲学,及玄学之反动———实证哲学及实证学科(包括实证主义历史学、社会学、人类学、生物学、心理学等)。玄学与实证本相冲突,且因移植国家主义之中西时空错位,导致醒狮派理论之困境及内在紧张,并驱动其由消极强调国家主义之自在性,走向积极营建“新理性主义”哲学体系。玄学向为文化保守主义之壁垒,而实证主义之科学、进化精神及反玄学倾向,则促使醒狮派呼唤并回归“五四精神”,走向文化激进主义。