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1.
鲁迅是无产阶级文化新军的最伟大和最英勇的旗手。他对无产阶级新文化、对中华民族文化宝库作出了不可磨灭的突出贡献。鲁迅曾对历史和历史人物作过许多精辟的论述。这里我们准备初步探讨一下鲁迅的历史观及其树立唯物史观的过程,以便更好地向鲁迅学习,坚持历史唯物主义。一鲁迅是在革命斗争实践中,实现唯心史观向唯物史观转变的。正如瞿秋白同志所指出的:鲁迅“从进化论进到阶级论,从绅士阶级的逆士贰臣进到无产阶级和劳动群众的真正友人,以至于战士,他是经历了辛亥革命以前直到现在的四分之一世纪的战斗,从痛苦的经验和深刻的观察之中,带着宝贵的革命传统,到新的阵营里来的。”  相似文献   

2.
自明治维新以来,日本社会经济从开国之初的贫弱小农经济状态,一跃而进入世界近代工业强国行列,建立了强大的近代工业体系。实现这一伟大社会经济变革的基本力量,是日本的伟大民族。日本民族所表现出的这种可贵的“民族活力”是值得发扬和学习的。自然,日本民族是由各个阶级所组成的,而在日本民族中,最进步、最革命的则是日本无产阶级。正如马克思所说:“只有无产阶级是真正的革命阶级。其余的阶级都随着大工业的发展而日趋没落和灭亡,无产阶级却是大工业本身的产物。”日本全部近代历史雄辨证明,日本无产阶级是随着资本主义发展而发展的,同日本的大工业生产直接相联系的。因此,它既是资本主义制度的掘墓人,又是社会主义生产方式的直接体现者。换句话说,日本无产阶级不仅是实现上述社会经济和政治变革的主力军,而且也是  相似文献   

3.
冯俊 《百年潮》2017,(3):1-2
正历史和实践反复证明,一个国家、一个政党,领导核心至关重要。马克思主义认为,群众是划分为阶级的,阶级通常是由政党来领导的,政党通常是由最有威信、最有影响、最有经验、被选出来担任最重要职务而称为领袖的人们所组成的比较稳定的集团来主持的。列宁就非常重视无产阶级政党的领导核心建设,在强调无产阶级政党的领导集体核心的作用时,他认为,组织和造就大批忠于党、忠于人民的干部队伍,尤其是培养一批有经验、有很  相似文献   

4.
我的这个发言是世界史所六位同志共同商议的,发言稿是三位同志共同执笔的。 一、巴黎公社具有伟大的历史和现实意义 巴黎公社是“把人类从阶级社会中永远解放出来的伟大社会革命的曙光”。它是人类历史上建立的代表劳动人民利益的新型无产阶级国家政权的雏型,是打碎和摧毁旧的国家机器、建立无产阶级专政的尝试。在短短的两个多月中,它破天荒确立了无产阶级统治的新秩序,实行了代表最广大人民利益的民主制,提出了废除剥削、消灭阶级的无产阶级人权即“人类解放”的根本要求,采取了一些带有社会主义倾向的措施,坚持了无产阶级国际主义等等。巴黎公社为世界无产阶级革命运动开辟了新的前景,对当时欧美和世界国际共产主义运动具有深远的影响。从一定意义上说,伟大的十月革命和中国革命,也是继承、发展了  相似文献   

5.
在无产阶级取得政权、建立社会主义制度后,还有没有阶级,有没有阶级差别,社会阶级结构有哪些变化?今后的发展趋势如何?这是六十年代以来苏联理论界研究的中心课题之一。对此,苏联自六十年代以来专门举行了四次全国性的学术会议,多次全国性的“园桌”学术讨论会,专门讨论在社  相似文献   

6.
自从19世纪中叶社会主义从空想变成科学,欧洲的无产阶级从一个自在的阶级变成自为的阶级以来,在世界范围内,无产阶级和资产阶级思想理论斗争中的一个重要问题,便是承认不承认人类社会历史有不以任何个人的意志为转移的客观发展规律。对于这个问题,代表无产阶级利益的马克思主义者,给予了肯定的回答。他们明确指出,并且不断根据新的历史事实深入阐明,尽管历史发展过程中必然出现曲折,甚至在某些方  相似文献   

7.
刘畅然 《黑龙江史志》2009,(3):46-47,50
在20世纪20年代初期中国是否具备产生工人阶级(即无产阶级)政党的阶级条件和中国共产党建立之初的性质等问题上,至今史学界仍然存在着不同的看法。之所以会产生这些观点上的分歧,其基本原因之一,是由于人们对中国近代工人阶级“年龄较轻”这一突出弱点存在着认识上的差异。其实,上述这一弱点具有辩证性、相对性,因而并没有从根本上妨砰中国工人阶级政党的产生,也没有从根本上影响中国共产党的阶级性质。  相似文献   

8.
苏联“无产阶级专政”的历史考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王铁群 《炎黄春秋》2011,(11):86-90
一、关于"无产阶级专政"的部分论述马克思认为,"在资本主义社会和共产主义社会之间——这个时期的国家只能是无产阶级的革命专政"。问题是,作为人数众多的阶级,无产阶级如何专政?  相似文献   

9.
在20世纪20年代初期中国是否具备产生工人阶级(即无产阶级)政党的阶级条件和中国共产党建立之初的性质等问题上,至今史学界仍然存在着不同的看法。之所以会产生这些观点上的分歧,其基本原因之一,是由于人们对中国近代工人阶级"年龄较轻"这一突出弱点存在着认识上的差异。其实,上述这一弱点具有辩证性、相对性,因而并没有从根本上妨碍中国工人阶级政党的产生,也没有从根本上影响中国共产党的阶级性质。  相似文献   

10.
十九世纪中叶,资本主义得到进一步的发展,无产阶级和资产阶级之间的矛盾开始尖锐化;无产阶级作为一个独立的阶级正式登上了政治斗争的舞台,它已经意识到自己的伟大历史使命,由一个自在的阶级变为一个自为的阶级,从而加速了科学社会主义运动(共产主义运动)的兴起和发展。 这个时期,从国际范围来说,发生了不少有重大历史意义的事件:共产主义者同盟的成立(1847年)、无产阶级的战斗纲领——《共产党宣言》的发表(1848年)、国际工人协会(第一国际)的建立(1864年)、第一个无产阶级政权——巴黎公社的诞  相似文献   

11.
杨卫 《攀登》2007,26(2):87-89
进入二十一世纪后,全球社会经济形态甚至社会结构形态正在从工业经济和工业社会向知识经济和知识社会转变,进入一个以知识资源的占有、配置、生产、分配、使用为重要特征的时代。这一变化对人力资源开发产生了重要影响,从而形成一些新的发展趋势。  相似文献   

12.
伴随着新中国的诞生和成长,青海藏族聚居区已经走过近60年不平凡的历程,经济社会发生了翻天覆地的巨大变化。从总体上看,由于诸多因素的综合影响,该地区仍处于相对落后的状态,进一步加快发展势在必行。本文在简要回顾新中国60年青海藏族聚居区经济社会发展的光辉历程与巨大成就的基础上,客观分析了藏族聚居区发展面临的重要机遇与制约因素,探讨了推动其经济社会跨越发展的现实路径。  相似文献   

13.
Feminist environmentalism has become a significant intellectual and social policy force across fields as diverse as public health, political economy, philosophy, science, and ecology. Feminist environmental theory and activism together are challenging and redefining foundational principles, from animal rights to the environmental economy of illness and well-being, from global political economy to the role of Big Science as the primary arbiter of the state of the environment. Animal rights is one of the most intellectually challenging and innovative areas of intellectual activity and social activism, and within feminist environmentalism is one of the most radical subfields. This paper provides an overview of activity in this subfield, starting from the observation that feminist environmental scholarship and grassroots activism on animal rights pivot around three concerns: elucidating the commonalities in structures of oppressions across gender, race, class, and species; developing feminist-informed theories of the basis for allocating "rights" to animals; and exposing the gendered assumptions and perceptions that underlie human relationships to nonhuman animals. At the same time, the serious contemplation of animal rights makes a considerable contribution to destabilizing identity categories and adds new dimensions to theorizing the mutability of identity.  相似文献   

14.
抗战胜利前后中间党派对民主的诠释:以经济民主为中心   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
石毕凡 《安徽史学》2003,5(6):45-50
加世纪40年代,中间党派及自由知识分子为反对国民党垄断国家资源的一党专政体制,提出了融政治民主、经济民主、教育民主、国际民主于一炉的社会民主主义理论。这种民主观试图扩大民主的范围,其目标是社会方方面面皆民主化,以保障人权和实现社会正义,体现了超时代的理想主义色彩。中间党派对社会民主主义的颂扬,具有反抗国民党专制统治的进步意义,是近代中国民主宪政运动史留给后人的一笔精神财富。  相似文献   

15.
有价值的乌托邦--对霍华德田园城市理论的一种认识   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
19世纪末英国社会改革家埃比尼泽·霍华德提出的田园城市理论 ,不仅是城市规划的理论 ,还是关于社会改革的学说。它针对 19世纪工业化、城市化给城市带来的弊病而提出 ,具有丰厚的历史文化和社会背景 ,以及多种社会改革学说的渊源。田园城市理论虽具有很强的乌托邦色彩 ,但至今仍对城市和社会发展有借鉴意义。  相似文献   

16.
This article examines black thought and black ideas about racial consciousness after Reconstruction in order to rethink the way African American leaders conceived the relationship between work and intellectual achievement in the late nineteenth century. Conventional scholarly accounts of the politics of black knowledge and education – including the still very prevalent paradigm of industrial and classical education – have missed a fascinating transformation of thought among many African American leaders after 1879 who sought to reinvent black identity. At the root of this transformation were shifting ideas about the black worker and a new industrial economy. The leaders who represented the transformation embraced progressive, pragmatist, and very modern approaches to intellectual cultivation – approaches that were more in line with theories of manual training and object-learning than with classical education. In other words, the intellectual rationales for industrial education among black educators were as important as the economic and practical ones. Those rationales were articulated not just by more conservative black voices intent on fitting into a new industrial order, but also by black progressives and radicals who hoped to cultivate black “self-consciousness,” vigorous engagement with the “real world,” and intellectual independence from white norms.  相似文献   

17.
杨东梁 《史学月刊》2002,(11):78-83
晚清时期,东南地区社会变迁显,这种变迁对近代化智力资源积累所起的促进作用是不言而喻的。此种积累主要表现在近代绅商阶层和近代知识分子群体的形成。反之,近代化智力资源积累又加速了社会变迁,这一点在东南地区表现得相当突出。  相似文献   

18.
The author has known Kurt Martin since the early 1960s when he was in Indonesia on an assignment to assist a new research institute (LEKNAS) in its formative years. It was the latter part of the Sukarno period, when the economy was suffering from rampant inflation, dwindling exports and foreign exchange reserves, and global political orientations that were not too favourable for the growth of the domestic economy. We remember Kurt Martin from those days as an inspiring counterpart in professional discussions, who always tested the logic and relevance of our arguments. We shall always be grateful to him for this role as intellectual sparring partner, but we were no match for his beloved chess games! Kurt is not responsible if, in later years, we have lost some of our intellectual rigour — after many years in government one tends to lose some purity of thought. The author left government in April 1978 to return to university life, but he is still suffering somewhat in the decompression chamber. He is trying to practice detachment in his observance of public affairs but finds this very difficult.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines recent institutional thinking on the green economy and the implications of official understandings and structuration of a green economy for the global South. Assertions about the transformative potential of a green economy by many international actors conceals a complexity of problems, including the degree to which the green economy is still based on old fossil economies and technical fixes, and the processes through which the green economy ideation remains subject to Northern economic and technical dominance. The article places the intellectual roots of the green economy within a broader historical context and suggests some ways the strategic economic and ideological interests of the global North remain key drivers of green‐economy thinking. The analysis is substantiated through two illustrative Latin American examples: the Mesoamerican Biological Corridor and green economy initiatives in Brazil. These suggest that, if the green economy is to address global challenges effectively, it must be conceptualized as more than a bolt‐on to existing globalizing capitalism and encompass more critical understandings of the complex socio‐economic processes through which poverty is produced and reproduced and through which the global environment is being transformed, a critique which also applies to mainstream discourses of sustainable development.  相似文献   

20.
In order to grasp some of the key intellectual developments and trends that shaped the global politics of twentieth century and continue to shape our own world—neo-classical economics, modernization theory, deterrence theory, the democratic peace, among others—it is necessary to explore the history of the human sciences. It is important, in other words, to examine the role of the modern research university in producing and diffusing ideas about the self, society, the economy and world order. International Relations (IR), and political science more generally, played a significant role in this story. In recent years we have seen a growth of interest in the history of IR, though it is still an underdeveloped area of research. Among other things, scholars have shown that many of the foundational myths of the discipline—the views that inform textbook understandings of the past and present—are deeply flawed. This article first surveys this recent work, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses, and then proceeds to offer some thoughts on future directions for research. It identifies a range of questions and topics that have yet to be adequately addressed, and draws on the latest methodological work in intellectual history, highlighting some new interpretative approaches that can enrich scholarship in this area.  相似文献   

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