The Extra‐Parliamentary Organisation of the Whig Junto in the Reign of William III

There is much evidence for the parliamentary organisation of the whig junto in Queen Anne's reign, but little for its extra‐parliamentary organisation. This note gives evidence for such extra‐parliamentary organisation late in the reign of William III from letters by both James Vernon and Robert Harley, which describe meetings of the junto and some of its supporters in the country houses of followers in the summers of 1698, 1699 and 1700.     

20世纪七八十年代美国黑人政治力量崛起的原因

20世纪七八十年代美国黑人政治力量的崛起,是美国政坛一个令人瞩目的现象。究其原因,是黑人大规模城市化、黑人中产阶级力量壮大、黑人政治意识增强及黑人合法主义传统等多方面因素综合作用的结果。当然,黑人政治力量的崛起只是初步性的,其实质是黑人中产阶级政治地位的提高。     

Male Cults Revisited: The Politics of Blood Versus Semen

In this article I explore some major differences between male initiations in Melanesia that I ignored in my earlier study. In particular, I focus on the differential emphasis that was placed on blood-letting as against semeningesting as the key means whereby boys were believed to be transformed into men. In the case of the blood-letting rites men seemingly sought both to appropriate to themselves the positively valued capacity of women to give birth to children and to protect themselves from women's negative ability to cause either death or destruction through menstruation, sexual intercourse or witchcraft. By contrast, in the semeningesting rites the properties of women that the men seemed most concerned to appropriate focused on their capacities to receive semen in the act of sexual intercourse and to give milk in the nurturant context. Such major cult differences were, I suggest, directly associated with parallel differences in four inter-related sets of variables; the form of marital exchange (direct as against indirect), the predominant variety of social relations (centripetal as against centrifugal), the prevailing form of leadership (conservative as against entrepreneurial) and, finally and most importantly, differences in gender relations, especially concerning the nature of male dependency on female cooperation in attaining specifically male goals.     

国民党引入军队政工制度原因考

俄共十月革命后建立的”以党领军”的统军制度,为孙中山重新考量”以主义集合”军队提供了鲜活的参照物。受俄共政治工作的启发,孙中山1921—1922年特别注重对官兵进行政治教育。1922年6月,陈炯明的背叛说明,孙中山的政治工作观念存在致命缺陷。在苏俄的引导下,孙中山决心由党建军,1923年8月,以蒋介石为首的考察团赴俄。此次考察对国民党创建黄埔军校、改党建军,影响巨大。苏俄红军的政工制度成为国民党进行政治工作的模本,党代表制与政治部制是政工制度的两大组成部分。     

Van Gulik's The Lore of the Chinese Lute Revisited*

In this article I propose a critical examination of van Gulik's The Lore of the Chinese Lute (LCL) in respect to its bibliographical sources and consequent aesthetic contentions. Despite being arguably the first academic monograph on the ideology of qin and historically a major non-Chinese source for the study of qin in general, the LCL does not represent van Gulik's mature thinking on qin. The LCL is limited by objective circumstances surrounding its writing and flaws in van Gulik's bibliographical engagement. His study of the musicology of Yueji on the basis of inaccurate translation and a neglect of the Neo-Confucian reading of Yueji, his hypothesis of Daoist dominance and Buddhist or Indian influence in the practice of qin with mistaken evidence, his skepticism of the truth of the literati tradition with fundamental bibliographical flaws, all require reconsideration. The current lacuna in the critical investigation of the LCL not only urges contemporary researchers to continue where van Gulik left off, but also calls for new research projects on qin and Chinese literati music in general.