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1.
Jens Åklundh 《The Seventeenth century》2014,29(1):45-71
This paper seeks to highlight the content and context of the conversion narratives written by Jews converting to Christianity in late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. It will be demonstrated that a non-Pauline pattern of conversion writing emerges. The content of these conversion treatises will be contextualized by looking at a whole range of English treatises concerning Jewish conversion, in particular those containing voices of “hermeneutical” Jewish converts. It will be argued that the period under scrutiny evinced a waning of the barriers surrounding Jewish conversion. 相似文献
2.
Mark Blitz 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(2):94-100
Abstract Francisco Suárez's political theory has received increased attention in recent years. In some regards it bears a resemblance to that of John Locke, but the two view politics as having different ends. It is interesting that both thinkers are in favor of religious toleration but for different reasons that correspond to the different ends they assign to government. Locke's reasons are more secular, whereas Suárez's are derivative from a religious perspective. The paradox, however, is that Suárez's account of toleration provides a firmer ground for religious liberty. 相似文献
3.
Paul B. Rich 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(4):514-516
The “Adam Smith Problem” is the name given to an argument that arose among German scholars during the second half of the nineteenth century concerning the compatibility of the conceptions of human nature advanced in, respectively, Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and his Wealth of Nations (1776). During the twentieth century these arguments were forgotten but the problem lived on, the consensus now being that there is no such incompatibility, and therefore no problem. Rather than rehearse the arguments for and against compatibility and incompatibility, this paper returns to the German writers of the 1850s–1890s and demonstrates that their engagement in this argument represents the foundation of modern Smith scholarship. It is shown that the “problem” was not simply a mistake best forgotten, but the first sustained scholarly effort to understand the importance of Smith's work, an effort that lacked any parallel in English commentary of the time. By the 1890s British writers, overwhelmingly ignorant of German commentary, assumed that there was little more to be said about Smith's work. Belated international familiarity with this German “Problem” played a major role in transforming Smith from a simple partisan of free trade into a theorist of commercial society and human action. 相似文献
4.
《History of European Ideas》2012,38(3):352-369
Summary Much recent historiography assumes that republican calls for religious liberty in seventeenth-century England were limited to Protestant dissenters. Nevertheless there is evidence that some radical voices during the Civil War and Interregnum period were willing to extend this toleration even to ‘false religions’, including Catholicism, provided their members promised loyalty and allegiance to the government. Using the case study of the republican Henry Neville, this article will argue that toleration for Catholics was still an option during the Exclusion Crisis of the late seventeenth century despite new fears of a growth of ‘popery and arbitrary government’. Neville's tolerationist approach, it will be shown, was driven by his Civil War and Interregnum experience, as well as by political pragmatism and very personal circumstances which shaped his attitude towards Catholics in his own country and abroad. 相似文献
5.
Juan Pablo Domínguez 《History of European Ideas》2017,43(4):273-287
ABSTRACTThis article is an introduction to a special issue on ‘Religious Toleration in the Age of Enlightenment’. It begins by characterizing the Enlightenment's attitude towards religion as an opposition to bigotry and ecclesiastic authority based on a particular interpretation of the European Wars of Religion. Then it acknowledges the problematic nature of the phrase ‘Age of Enlightenment’, which seems to push some of the most relevant eighteenth-century realities to the margins of history. Next, it challenges some common scholarly assumptions regarding Enlightenment ideas on tolerance. In particular, it disputes that these ideas were essentially principled, secular, pluralist and liberal. By way of conclusion, this introductory article suggests that the Enlightenment's main contribution to the history of toleration is found not in the originality or subtlety of its ideas, but rather in the promotion of a new mentality according to which toleration came to be regarded as an essential feature of modern civilization. 相似文献
6.
Edward Jones Corredera 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(5):513-527
This article contributes to the recent historiography on Enlightenment plans for European peace by shedding light on the political and intellectual work of the neglected Spanish minister and intellectual José Carvajal y Lancaster. The article begins by outlining the intellectual context surrounding the War of Spanish Succession, and proceeds to analyse the ways that Carvajal deployed, both in his texts and in power, Enlightenment ideals to reform the Spanish Empire and achieve perpetual peace in Europe. The ideas of his first work, his Testamento Político, revealed the ways that the logic of joint-stock companies could catalyse the reform of the Spanish Empire. His measures in government, in turn, illustrated how international cooperation could be mutually beneficial, but turned on his fraught relationship with the future Marquis of Pombal. Finally, his text Mis Pensamientos, written in 1753, envisaged a formal commercial and political coalition between the Spanish and the British Empires. Carvajal’s vision for European peace was at once utopian and clear-eyed, and the ideas behind his plan persist as demanding questions for our age. 相似文献
7.
Jørgen Mührmann-Lund 《Scandinavian journal of history》2016,41(1):71-90
The emergence of police ordinances and police authorities in the early modern period has traditionally been seen as a way to discipline society in order to increase the power of the absolutist state. However, recent investigations of early modern policing in German and French regions show that ‘good order and police’ was in demand by the subjects and also adapted to local needs. Inspired by this research this article investigates the enforcement of police ordinances in the Danish market towns of Aalborg and Sæby and the country district of Børglum-Jerslev. The results show that policing remained focused on local needs even after the creation of a royal police office in 1682. Policing mainly concerned the welfare and privileges of burghers in market towns until the introduction of a country police in 1791, when agrarian reforms began to erode the patriarchal order in the countryside. As a new way of governing, ‘police’ was a way both to govern free burghers and preserve traditional order. 相似文献
8.
Helle Vogt 《Scandinavian journal of history》2014,39(1):78-99
The article deals with judicial torture, which was prohibited in the Danish legal system in the early modern period, essentially focussing upon the time from the Lutheran Reformation in 1536 to the introduction of a comprehensive statute book for the entire kingdom in 1683. The author’s perspective is comparative, especially looking for parallels and contrasts in Sweden during approximately the same period, but to some extent also including the case of England. The common feature of the three kingdoms is that they were outside the regions governed by the Romano-canonical ius commune.The article is based upon an analysis both of Danish legislation relating to torture and of the limited number of cases in which torture was applied, in most of these cases in contravention of current legislation. The author concludes that if 16th- and 17th-century Denmark saw extremely little use of torture, the main reasons are: in the first place, an internal political climate that was far more stable and peaceful than in Sweden and England, both of which were affected by dynastic rivalries and succession crises during this period; secondly, the fact that commissions of inquisition with extraordinary judicial powers were not used in Denmark also contributes to the Danish development. 相似文献
9.
Lydia Janssen 《History of European Ideas》2017,43(8):843-856
Early modern Europe was marked by fundamental changes in its intellectual landscape. In the field of historiography, this led to the development of a new antiquarian current in historiography which marked a fundamental shift in the view on historical writings. While traditionally historiography had been considered a literary genre, the new scholars approached it as a ‘scientific’ discipline. On the basis of a comparative study of a number of northern European national histories, this paper analyses major transformations in two aspects of historical writing. Firstly, antiquarian historians extended the subject range of historiography to include a variety of cultural-historical topics. This innovation also had implications for the structure of their works. Secondly, the new current introduced a novel approach to the question of historical evidence to counter sceptic criticism and meet the new requirements occasioned by the rise of empirical models of research. Antiquarian scholars therefore introduced several new types of source materials: material evidence of the past, comparative studies of languages and customs, and documentary texts were added as sources of historical information. They furthermore subjected all historical sources to rigorous critical assessment. 相似文献
10.
高校肩负着为建设中国特色社会主义的小康社会培养更多在德、智、体等方面全面发展的,具有较高专业知识技能的建设者的任务。而高校教师则是承担这一重任的专门人员,所以说提高教师的师德水平,对于加强师德建设,进一步加强和改进大学生思想政治教育,提高教育质量,促进高等教育的发展具有十分重要的意义。 相似文献
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Mats Hallenberg 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(5):557-577
This article addresses the transformation of the representative public in late medieval and early modern Sweden. While recognizing the importance of Habermas' theory of the public sphere, the focus is on the progressive character of the royal administration and on how the interaction within the administrative setting eventually came to serve as a basis for political opinion. The interplay between local bargaining over taxes and political action at the national level is of critical importance. The state formation process served to empower new groups such as peasants and burghers, who eventually learned how to wield rational arguments in defence of their interests. This is demonstrated here by focusing on the interaction between local officeholders and the tax-paying peasantry. 相似文献
13.
近代早期英国的货币理论经历了一次重大转变,即从对货币短缺的焦虑转向对货币过量的担忧,这一理论重心的转变在货币史上具有重大意义,标志着货币理论在思想内涵上更为全面,在货币分析方法上逐渐走向成熟。探究这一转变背后的原因和货币思想的演进轨迹,就会发现随着近代早期市场经济的深入发展和资本主义的兴起,货币在英国经济中的作用日益凸显,但当时金属货币供应量远远无法满足对货币的需求量,金融革命后信用货币的发展才在一定程度上缓解了货币短缺的状况。与此同时,当时的经济思想家对货币及其作用的认识也经历了一个过程,从早期的粗浅直观向科学理性分析转变,经济思想家的分析框架和哲学基础也从新亚里士多德思想框架转向现代科学,从而为货币理论的成熟和现代经济学的形成提供了条件。 相似文献
14.
近代早期法国贵族间的附庸关系与中世纪的封臣制不同,它是以血缘和亲族关系构建起来的依附性网络,婚姻联盟则进一步加强了这种关系。然而,在法国宗教战争和福隆德运动的危机时期,贵族附庸关系受到政治势力、宗教信仰、双方政见、个人利益等多重因素的影响与挑战,其稳定性不断削弱,王权则在此时乘机渗透到贵族附庸关系中,为后来中央集权、绝对君主制的兴起奠定了基础。 相似文献
15.
福泽谕吉是近代日本亚洲霸权思想的先驱者之一,他曾公然声称:"万卷万国公法不如数门大炮,几册和亲条约不如一筐弹药",主张用大炮弹药"创造未有之理"。福泽谕吉亚洲霸权论的思想基础,是近世日本的华夷世界秩序观和近代西方弱肉强食游戏规则的结合。福泽谕吉亚洲霸权论的形成,与近代日本向亚洲邻国扩张侵略政策的形成相辅相成。福泽谕吉及近代日本的亚洲霸权思想,可谓源远流长。 相似文献
16.
杨朱思想,是先秦道家思想的重要代表,其核心观点是"存我为贵,侵物为贱"、"损一毫,利天下,不与也。悉天下,奉一身,不取也"、"人人不损一毫,人人不利天下"、"全性保真,不以物累形"。杨朱之学在战国时代风靡一时,此后堙没,长期以来被指责为"自私自利"、"纵欲放荡"、"廉耻不立"、"无君无父"。清季民初,杨朱思想再度活化,风行一时,这是中西学会通的产物,是西方现代性挑战的一种本土回应,是近代中国先进之士民权、权利、自由主义、个人主义追求的本土文化表达,由此,两个"大变局"时代的思想得到共鸣。 相似文献
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Pietro Daniel Omodeo 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2022,45(4):538-560
This essay looks at early-modern Venice hydroculture as a case of episteme from below. The forms of water knowledge it developed were multilayered and collective in their essence and solidly rested on a social experiential basis that was rooted in labour (especially fishing) and practices (especially water surveying and engineering). In accordance with the city's republican esprit (and correspondent political values), its episteme emerged as the encounter and negotiation between various institutions and groups: the fishermen of San Niccolò in Venice, the practitioners of the water magistrature and political authorities. This essay explores the institutional settings of this water culture, seen as an instance of bottom-up epistemic construction. It especially addresses three historical instances: firstly, a seventeenth century program to map public waters in order to block their alienation for private fish farming; secondly, water officers’ interviews with fishermen aimed to assess the state of the lagoon hydromorphology and, thirdly, fishing regulations. Venice communitarian and circular forms of knowledge production are here contrasted to an opposite paradigm, which was embodied by the Galileian mathematician and Rome courtier, Benedetto Castelli. His interactions with the Republic of Venice on water management and his approach to hydraulic problems are revealing of an elitist and abstract understanding of scientific knowledge that guided political decisions from above without taking in any consideration the opinions of the ‘vulgar’. While his science was the expression of a top-down political epistemology, Venetian water knowledge was more egalitarian. It left room for exchange, inclusiveness and bottom-up codification; it valued the gathering of different experiences (including the fishermen's practical knowledge of their waters) and rested on a concrete and systemic (organicist) understanding of natural-anthropic processes. 相似文献
19.
中国近现代观念起源研究和数据库方法 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
从1997年开始,我们在若干研究计划支持下,建立了1830年至1930年间的中国近现代思想史研究专业数据库,并曾利用这一数据库,发表了数篇以“共和”、“民主”、“权利”、“个人”、“社会”、“经济”和“科学”等关键词为分析对象的论文,探讨这些重要现代观念在中国的起源和演变以及它们与重大历史事件的关系。数据库方法不仅可以为观念史研究提供更准确的基础,而且,进一步的分析疏理,还可以对以往某些公认的观点做出修正或质疑。中国近现代思想变迁大致可分为如下三阶段:1840年至1900年为中国传统政治思想对西方现代思想选择性吸收时期;1901年至1915年是儒家思想退到家族私领域,而在公共领域全面学习西方的阶段;1915年至1925年为第三阶段,正是在这第三阶段,学习引进西方现代制度带来的问题,引发了知识界对民主、权利、社会等重要观念的重构,形成了中国当代思想。 相似文献
20.
新中国成立以来,学术界对近代科学救国思潮的研究经历了两个阶段:一是在建国后至1980年,科学救国思潮被视为资产阶级改良主义的反动思潮而长期受到学界的否定和批判;二是在1980年代以来,学界对科学救国思潮的研究开始转变,逐渐实事求是地、历史地看待科学救国思潮。从主观的评价逐步转到客观的辨析该思潮在近代中国所起的作用上来,开始重新审视科学救国论者的思想和言行。特别是进入21世纪后,研究出现了新的趋势,有学者开始尝试对科学救国思潮的理论体系、科学救国与科教兴国的关系等问题进行探讨。 相似文献