民国时期《大公报》三巨头

正《大公报》是中国近现代史上一张颇有影响的报纸。它创刊于1902年,"文革"开始后不久停刊。本文所说的《大公报》,指民国时期的《大公报》,即1926年以后新记公司接办的《大公报》。吴鼎昌、胡政之、张季鸾三人是接办的主力,社内社外视为《大公报》的三巨头。1926年,英敛之(英若诚的祖父)创办的天津《大公报》难以为继,决定停刊。早有建立新闻托拉斯设想的吴鼎昌、     

“徐老大”怕麻烦

创办于20世纪初的《大公报》是中国近现代史上历史最长、声名最著的报纸。     

《大公报》的资金与股份变动情况

1902年6月17日创办的《大公报》,是中国历史最悠久的报纸,是中国近百年历史的见证。1949年以前的《大公报》,大致可分为三个阶段:第一,1902-1916年为英敛之创办阶段,曾风靡一时;第二,1916-1925年为王郅隆接办阶段,惨淡经营;第三,1926-1949年为吴鼎昌、胡政之、张季鸾续办阶段,是《大公报》的鼎盛时期。     

国难下的"新道德"大讨论

从哲学思想到国民道德 《大公报》创始于1902年,是迄今中国发行时间最长的中文报纸．也是民国年间影响力最大的报纸之一。《大公报》名下的《现代思潮》栏目创刊于1931年9月4日,每周五出刊一期。存在了约一年时间。在其诞生前后．中国适逢多事之秋。中原大战的硝烟尚未散去,7月的长江大水又使成千上万的灾民流离失所,9月的九一八事变及次年的一·二八事变更让国家形势日趋严峻。     

成为历史的“新记”《大公报》

说起中国历史上最有影响力的报纸,《大公报》当之无愧。但对于《大公报》的评价,却曾有过极大的反差。1949年以后的近40年里,《大公报》被冠以“国民党政学系机关报”“对国民党小骂大帮忙”“一贯反动”的罪名,“清算”、改组。文革伊始,更是首当其冲,封馆停刊,被“扫进了历史的垃圾堆”。直到80年代中期,才有人解放思想,开始为《大公报》辩诬、正名,首倡者首推李纯青先生。     

20世纪五六十年代《大公报》的改组与转型

新中国成立后,《大公报》之所以能够成为新中国财经战线的机关报,与它作为民办报纸的影响力有关,与它政治立场的适时转变有关,与它对于资本主义的了解、对于国际问题报道的熟捻有关。《大公报》的成功改组和转型,反映了中共对于优秀文化资产改造和利用的有效性,有成功的经验和可资吸取的教训。     

一位民办报人五味俱全的生命历程——王芸生之子王芝琛访谈录(连载二)

访谈时间2004年10月访谈地点王芝琛先生家抗战时期的《大公报》和自由主义知识分子许:抗战时期的《大公报》是其鼎盛阶段,其表现也是可圈可点的。可惜现今知道的人已经很少了,请您介绍一下大概的情况。王:抗战时期的《大公报》起码表现了中国人的硬骨头气概,就是绝不在日本人的铁蹄下出版一天报纸。九一八事变后,《大公报》还只有天津馆,张季鸾看出天津早晚将不保,就极力主张克服各种困难开上海馆。设     

我的《大公报》情结

去年6月,我有幸参加了中国革命博物馆举办的《大公报百年报庆展》。一簇簇美丽的鲜花、条幅及人们的笑脸。将大厅装饰得富丽堂皇。 经历了百年沧桑的《大公报》是中国历史上最悠久的一份报纸,尤其在国难当头的20世纪30-40年代,作为民营报     

从《大公报》到《经济日报》

《大公报》是我国历史上最悠久的一份报纸,它1902年创刊于天津,跨越了晚清、辛亥革命、大革命、抗日战争、解放战争和全国解放、和平建设等历史时期。曾先后在天津、上海、汉口、香港、重庆、桂林、北京等地出版。随着全国各地相继解放,天津《大公报》易名《进步日报》出版;上海《大公报》保持原名出版;重庆《大公报》改为市委机关报《重庆日报》;香港《大公报》维持原样,始终未做变动,至今正常出版。     

中国时人对苏联签订《苏德互不侵犯条约》的看法——以《大公报(天津版)》和《东方杂志》为主的考察

《苏德互不侵犯条约》签订一事,在当时引起了重大反响。在中国国内,《大公报(天津版)》对这一事件持肯定态度,即使苏联进军波兰也没改变其看法;《东方杂志》则未对之做过多肯定,但当苏联进军波兰的事件发生后,就对苏联予以了较多的抨击。导致两者看法不一样的原因是:作为报纸的《大公报》更需注意引导舆论;两者的关注层次有差异。     

The Political Importance of Provincial Newspapers, 1903-1945: The Rowntrees and the Liberal Press

This article argues that the political importance of provincialnewspapers run by the Rowntree family in the Liberal cause declinedbetween 1903 and 1945. This decline is identified in changingattitudes to the funding of newspapers, and in the reasons forthose changes. Before the Second World War the Rowntrees consideredsubsidies to provincial newspapers vital, to keep the pressat the forefront of partisan campaigning, until at last it beganto pay its way. Yet such newspapers' eventually strong financescontrasted with their political weakness, as they appeared helplessto prevent the Liberal Party's electoral decline. After 1945the Rowntrees, in contrast to their earlier strategy, no longerconsidered the funding of newspapers a priority. Instead, theytargeted money directly at the strengthening of the LiberalParty, both in Parliament and in the party organization, insteadof at the press. This switch of strategy was the earliest exampleof a wider Liberal emphasis, from the 1940s, on improving parliamentaryrecruitment and party organization. The fading political importanceof the Rowntrees' newspapers and of the wider Liberal presswould lead to loss-making Liberal papers closing, while survivingones ceased to support the Liberal Party. Instead, the Liberalscame to depend on television and community politics.     

论晚明东林党的舆论活动及其影响

晚明是中国古代舆论最活跃的时期,其中又以东林党的舆论力量最为显著。从万历初年到天启末年,东林党人的舆论活动经历了三个阶段。东林党围绕官员诠选、官员考察、对阁臣的批判、以学术促清议等方面开展了一系列舆论活动,其主张在邸报发抄、印刷刻传和书信交流等方式的扩散之下,迅速流通于士林。东林党以舆论为载体,形成了与朝廷对峙和对话的政治力量。东林党的舆论活动加剧了明政府的党争态势,加速了官僚系统的分裂,不利于政治局面的稳定。但东林党的舆论主导了当时的社会思潮,对社会风气尤其是士大夫的气节产生了一种鼓舞作用。     

The geography of the political party: Lessons from the British Labour Party's experiment with community organising, 2010 to 2015

This paper highlights the geographical contributions made to academic debate about democracy, representation and the role of the political party. It argues that while geographers have made important arguments in relation to the structure and operation of representative democracy, there is scope for paying greater attention to the internal spatial dynamics of the political party. A successful political party requires a balance between the national party machine and its local membership base. This paper draws on research to explore the way in which the British Labour Party sought to renew its local membership base by adopting community organising techniques and establishing a new arms-length organisation, Movement for Change (M4C), between 2010 and 2015. It uses this research material to highlight the importance of the internal balance of power within any political party, and the need for a multi-scalar approach to understanding the successful operation of any political party.     

Party Politics and the Provincial Press in Early Twentieth Century England: The Case of the South West

Based on the evidence of Devon and Cornwall, politicians continuedto regard the provincial press as highly influential in determiningtheir readers' party political affiliations well into the twentiethcentury. Until at least 1914, many of the leading local andregional newspapers were owned by prominent local politicians.After 1918, especially following the amalgamation of the twomain Conservative and Liberal papers, local politicians feltkeenly their lack of a reliable source of press support. Thecost of funding a party political newspaper became too highfor all but the richest politicians. Moreover, the status ofthe provincial press was increasingly undermined by improvedrail communications, allowing the national press to competeeven in farthest Cornwall. The wireless also reduced the importanceof the provincial press from the late 1920s. The real political influence of the provincial press is impossibleto assess with any certainty. Newspapermen believed that, despitethe often substantial expenditure by politicians, a stronglyparty political paper was more likely to alienate non-partisanreaders, leading to neither political nor commerical success.Modern research also suggests that partisan newspapers are probablyonly partially successful, doing more to reinforce their readers'existing opinions than to convert non-believers. ^*I am grateful to the University of Reading Library for permissionto quote from the Lord and Lady Astory papers, and to the WesternMorning News for permission to quote from their records, whichare deposited at the West Devon County Record Office.     

Electioneering,the Third Reform Act,and Political Change in the 1880s*

This article investigates the impact of the 1883–5 electoral reforms on the political culture of elections and electioneering in the constituencies, using the borough of Ipswich as its focus. It argues that historians have underestimated the extent to which the Franchise and Redistribution Acts of 1884–5 transformed political cultures outside the countryside and large cities, and that the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883 had a major impact on the modernisation of party organisation. Principally, however, it challenges the prevailing historical consensus that the basis of post‐reform constituency politics remained, to a large extent, local in nature, by suggesting that electioneering cultures were placed under considerable ‘nationalising’ influences from the early 1880s on. Rather than resisting these influences, the established Ipswich parties largely embraced them. Moreover, a general decline in corruption, and a general increase in the number of speeches reported in local newspapers from ‘carpetbagger’ candidates and national leaders, created a climate in which it was now more difficult for any constituency, however idiosyncratic, to insulate itself from ‘national’ politics.     

Propaganda by the Book: Contextualizing and Reading the Zhejiang GMD’s 1929 Textbook Essentials for Propaganda Workers

The Nationalist Party (GMD) had been writing and issuing documents of many types for some years before Nanjing was established as the capital of the Republic of China in 1927/1928. From its earliest days, doctrines were advanced via cause-oriented newspapers and journals. Even more important, the Soviet-sponsored reorganization of the GMD in the early 1920s had yielded a far-reaching party propaganda operation tied to Sun Yat-sen’s notion of political tutelage. But how was propaganda to work in practice? And at whom was it to be aimed? This article seeks to address aspects of these questions by assessing a textbook for propaganda workers that was issued in the name of the GMD’s Zhejiang Provincial Executive Committee’s Propaganda Department in October 1929, half a year after the GMD’s foundational right-wing Third Party Congress. Although Essentials for Propaganda Workers does not fully operationalize Sun’s version of political tutelage, it can nonetheless be seen to reflect the central party’s efforts to implement tutelage and supervision, not only of the Chinese masses suggested by Sun’s program, but also of party propaganda workers in Zhejiang. In that regard, it reveals the astonishingly rapid ideological realignment of the GMD into an anti-Communist party, not only at the national level, which is well known, but also on the provincial and lower levels. Drawing on material from the GMD Archives in Taipei, this article addresses issues of party organization, control, mobilization, inner party dynamics, and message content in the GMD’s propaganda activities in Zhejiang province in the late 1920s. “Propaganda by the Book” adds to our knowledge of the organizational practices of both the central GMD in Nanjing and the Zhejiang provincial GMD as well as to the social history of Republican China’s official print culture.     

浅议如何搞好地市级党报的新闻策划

地市级党委机关报是发布党的路线、方针、政策和地方党委政府具体工作布署、督办措施的主渠道。在新时期,地市级党报只有做好新闻策划,彰显本土新闻亮点,充分体现党报性质,凸显新闻策划的针对性,强化编辑策划意识,做好新闻的选题策划,才能实现传播效益的最大化,增强报纸的影响力、吸引力和战斗力,进而增强党报的竞争力。     

The political culture of the Alleanza nazionale: an analysis of the party's programmatic documents (1995-2002)

The birth of the Alleanza nazionale and its rise to power in Berlusconi's 1994 and 2001 cabinets have attracted great interest. The evolution of the AN's political culture from 1995 to the present has received far less attention. The interest of scholars is dominated by concern over the number of fascist chromosomes inherited by the AN, and the way these influence its policy choices. The weight of history overlays the problems faced by the party in its attempt to establish an original identity. This article investigates the formation of the AN's political culture through an analysis of the official programmatic documents produced thus far by the party, putting each in the Italian political context at the time of its issue. The documents show that the AN is no longer a neofascist, extreme right or populist radical-right party, but its values and beliefs have not found a stable form.     

党报做活新闻报道的突破口

在媒体竞争日益激烈的新形势下,作为纸质媒体的党报也面临严峻的挑战。本文就如何正视存在的问题,找到党报做活新闻报道的突破口,创新报道形式,打造一支高素质的新闻队伍,不断提高舆论引导能力和水平,提高新闻宣传的影响力和感召力进行了论述,指出做好新闻报道工作已经成为各级党报研究的重要课题,也是党报发展壮大必须解决的现实问题。     

‘You Kick the Bucket; We Do the Rest!’: Jokes and the Culture of Reprinting in the Transatlantic Press

In December 1893 the Conservative candidate for Flintshire addressed an audience at Mold Constitutional Club. After he had finished attacking Gladstone and the local Liberal incumbent, he ended his speech with a joke. He advised the Conservative party to adopt, with regard to the government, the sign of an American undertaker: ‘You kick the bucket; we do the rest’. How did a sign belonging to a Nevadan undertaker become the subject of a joke told at a political meeting in North Wales? This unlikely question forms the basis of this article. Using new digital archives, it tracks the journey of the gag from its origins in New York, its travels around America, its trip across the Atlantic, its circulation throughout Britain and its eventual leap into political discourse. The article uses the joke to illuminate the workings of a broader culture of transatlantic reprinting. During the final quarter of the nineteenth century miscellaneous ‘snippets’ cut from the pages of the American press became a staple feature of Britain's bestselling newspapers and magazines. This article explores how these texts were imported, circulated and continually rewritten in dynamic partnership between authors, editors and their readers.