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熊伟民 《史学月刊》2003,(12):67-72
20世纪30年代,在人们对第一次世界大战进行反省和日益恶化的国际形势的影响下,美国社会出现了一股与孤立主义既相联系又相区别的和平主义思潮。和平主义者主要由妇女、宗教界人士和在校大学生组成。他们反对战争和军备,主张以和平的手段和方式解决国际纠纷。在法西斯主义猖獗的时代背景下,和平主义者的理念及其实践显得与现实严重脱节,最后只能以失败而告终。  相似文献   

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Photographs are not truthful records of reality. They are images that are always interpreted, and this essay looks at some critical interpretations of photographs taken in the 1930s of white working-class women in the streets of East London. It pays particular attention to two current critiques that tend to address two different kinds of photographs (and in so doing to constitute them as distinct genres): a Foucauldian account of photography as a form of disciplining surveillance, and a Lacanianinfluenced analysis of photography as a disruptive reminder of absence and death. By examining documentary photographs and family snapshots from the East End in the 1930s I argue, first, that both of these critical accounts require an explicit consideration of the constitution of sexual difference, since both implicitly reproduce regressive visions of (working-class) femininities. Secondly, I argue that feminist revisions of both should be deployed together in order to effect a destabilising critique of the constitution of sexual difference through photographs. I elaborate that argument by considering a third series of photographs, commissioned by Stepney Borough Council in 1937 to record housing condemned as slums in the borough. In discussing that series, I suggest that through its organisation of the spatiality and corporeality of the women photographed outside their houses that were to be demolished, a radically uncertain femininity is conjured.  相似文献   

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Threatened by the thriving leftwing film industry, the Nationalist Party became more conservative. They set up the Central Film Censorship Committee as an important link in the system of film censorship, further tightening the control over film production. It was a substitute for the former Film Censorship Committee under the Ministries of Education and Interior. The committee achieved its original goals, but the result of its work did not fully conform to the party’s initial expectations. Translated by Zhou Weiwei from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (2): 62–78  相似文献   

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20世纪30年代是吴晗学术历程中的辉煌时段。他一直受到唯物史观派与史料派的双重影响,出入于两派之间。吴晗在学术起点上具有二元性,同时蕴涵着社会史学与考据史学两种基因。正是这种学术上的综合与兼容,使吴盼的研究成果获得了恒久的生命力。  相似文献   

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The article sets out to demonstrate that radar played a central,but hitherto unrecognized, role in the formation of Britishair policy during the 1930s. It is generally conceived thatthe secret of radar was stumbled across, as if by accident,in early 1935, and was then employed to devastating effect inthe Battle of Britain. The article, however, shows that thedesire for an effective instrument for air defence had gestatedduring the First World Wart—when Britain sought to fightoff the Zeppelin and Gotha bombing raids—and the searchcontinued throughout the 1920s and early 1930s. Moreover, theprinciple of radar had been known since 1904, but scientificbackwardness precluded practical progress. There is detailedexamination of the intricate political manoeuvring by PrimeMinister Stanley Baldwin and others which accompanied the adoptionof radar as Britain's primary line of defence against the Luftwaffein preference to the increasingly obsolete doctrine of bomberdeterrence. In conclusion, radar was deliberately developed,and consciously conceived of, as a device that would be slottedinto a proved framework of observation and organization constructedon top of Britain's First World War air defence system.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article examines Indian humanitarian help for Republican victims during the Spanish Civil War. It focuses in particular on aid initiatives by the Indian national movement, which were embedded in the larger quest for independence from British colonial rule. By creating their own humanitarian programme in favour of Republican Spain, Indian nationalists dissociated themselves from Britain’s foreign policy and tried to orchestrate a politics of moral superiority for themselves. The article also explores Indian participation in transnational networks of Left solidarity. Established to generate political and humanitarian support for Republican Spain, Indian actors concurrently utilized these networks to enhance their status in the international community and to advance their own end of an independent state.  相似文献   

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OTTO PFLANZE. Bismarck and the Development of Germany: Volume I: The Period of Unification, 1815–1871; Volume II: The Period of Consolidation, 1871–1880; Volume III: The Period of Fortification, 1880–1898. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. Pp. xxx, 518; xvii, 554; ix, 474.

STIG FÖRSTER, WOLFGANG J. MOMMSEN, and RONALD ROBINSON, eds. Bismarck, Europe, and Africa: The Berlin Africa Conference 1884–1885 and the Onset of Partition. New York: German Historical Institute; Oxford University Press, 1988. Pp. xviii, 569.  相似文献   

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论文通过中英文原始资料,追述了芝加哥唐人街历史,论证了19世纪70年代至20世纪30年代的芝加哥华人社区在跨国移民与商业网络中的重要作用。认为芝加哥所拥有的水陆空交通枢纽的优越地理位置让城中的华人杂货业得以扩大生意范围;芝加哥的国际化氛围还培养了中餐精致饮食文化的先驱;城内的华人洗衣业也成为美国中西部城镇洗衣业的典范。这些特征都表明了芝加哥城内的华埠社区是美国中西部地区跨国移民与商贸中心的一个重要枢纽。华人企业家们不仅仅为他们个人商业的成功做出了贡献,同时也为美国中西部地区华人社区及家乡父老的集体生存、发展与成功做出了重要的贡献。  相似文献   

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20世纪30年代,许多知识人已认识到近代以来思想界一味追随西方的弊病,由是开始了反思,转而关注中国自身的实际和需要,主要表现为努力产生中国的新政治理论,提倡新教育的中国化,呼吁建设中国本位的文化。一时间,中国化逐渐成为流行语,强调外来之说应用于实际蔚为潮流。但是,人们对于实际、中国、本位的理解却不尽相同,此中国往往与彼中国相抵牾。相对以前的西与西战,可以说思想界又出现了中与中战的局面。另一方面,人们有意识地去重塑中国,却无意识地扎进世界里不能自拔;种种中国化的背后仍是各式各样的世界化。这表明中国人陷西已深,醒然仍无以自立,整个思想界还不能对近代以来的知识和思想进行超越的系统的清理。  相似文献   

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铁路交通是近代以来区域社会经济发展的全新条件之一.1930年代浙赣(杭江)铁路的兴筑,使千百年来自然形成的浙东、浙西社会经济发展不平衡的状态开始改变;浙江中西部地区主要城镇沿钱塘江分布的基本格局出现变化,铁路沿线城镇的区位优势明显提升,并逐步形成这一区域的中心城市;冲破了自然形成的流域交往格局,重新调整了人们的活动范围,拓展了腹地空间.浙赣铁路促使途经区域现代工业和旅游业的兴起,促进了传统农副业和商业的发展,改善了浙江中西部地区人们的出行条件,传播了近代文化,使沿线300万人受益.当然,这一切仅仅是一个渐变过程的开端.  相似文献   

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Following the establishment of the Irish Free State in the 1920s, the continuing levels of emigration from Ireland came as a disappointment to many who believed that British colonialism had caused and perpetuated the emigration problem. Within this context, there was a need to explain emigration in ways that deflected blame away from the new state authorities. In this article, the author contributes to a gendered analysis of these shifting constructions of emigration. Drawing upon Irish newspapers of the period, she suggests that the figure of the 'emigrant girl' was central to post-colonial discourses on emigration. During the 1930s, the emigration of thousands of young Irish women to English cities such as London sparked widespread comment and criticism. The Irish press and the Catholic hierarchy in particular propagated an image of these vulnerable young women as lost and alone in the big, bad cities of England. The author analyses the ways in which the 'emigrant girl' embodied specific representations of place, culture and gendered identity; the 'emigrant girl' embodied an Irishness marked by religion, culture and landscape. Through her transgression of physical, cultural and religious spaces, she encountered loneliness, danger and the risk of denationalisation.  相似文献   

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This article looks at the early ecumenical movement and the difficulties confronting Christian co-operation. It is particularly concerned with co-operation between the Roman and non-Roman churches. It explores how a combination of institutional suspicion, individual prejudice, and political considerations at both the national and international level, exacerbated an already complex and difficult situation caused by deep doctrinal divisions and ancient animosity. In addition to the institutional obstacles to be overcome in realising the ecumenical ideal, its advocates, despite believing in the principle and working selflessly toward its achievement, harboured severe doubts about the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church which hindered the very task they had set themselves. Insights into this dilemma are provided by the struggle of William Temple, perhaps one of the most well known and respected figures in the ecumenical movement, to overcome his own anti-Roman sentiments and suspicions. Temple's inner conflicts and the influence of external events are key components illustrating the complex amalgam of problems that confronted early ecumenists. Post-war reactions following Temple's death to his efforts to facilitate a wartime approach to Pius XII serve not only to extend the insights, but also to demonstrate further the constraints and limitations imposed by secular as well as ecclesiastical politics.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

In 1931, liberal and conservative Christians debated the possibility of replacing Bible Study with a comparative religions course for elementary-school students, in order to comply with regulations of the Republic of China. Made possible by the ecumenical and indigenization movements within Christianity, this debate intersected with multiple issues: Western accommodation to the rise of Chinese nationalism; Christian resistance to growing secularization in the West, including elements of the social gospel; and clerical responses to child-centered pedagogies. Furthermore, liberals also promoted religious studies as a method for increasing cross-cultural understanding and world peace after World War II. While previous scholars have situated government registration of parochial schools within the rise of Chinese nationalism, this article asserts that missionaries in the 1930s viewed children’s religious education within the framework of both Chinese indigenization and global secularization.  相似文献   

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Vittorio Coco 《Modern Italy》2013,18(3):245-254
Mussolini had declared that Fascism, through the anti-mafia campaign entrusted to Cesare Mori, prefect of Palermo, in the second half of the 1920s, had conclusively liberated Sicily from the mafia. However, from the early 1930s a new deterioration of public order on the island was evident, and the regime was forced to launch a second, and much less publicised, repression of this phenomenon. In the course of its careful investigations the body given responsibility for pursuing this repression, the Ispettorato Generale di Pubblica Sicurezza per la Sicilia, compiled a series of reports, including the Processo verbale di denunzia relating to the area around Palermo. With a level of detail never seen before, these reports described the structure, organisation and dynamics of mafia groups. This was possible because police officers had available members of the mafia groups themselves – genuine pentiti – who had decided to make disclosures to the authorities.  相似文献   

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You are probably aware of the fact that homes are being wrecked daily due to the fact that married women are permitted to work in factories and offices in this land of ours. You and we all know that the place for a wife and mother is at home, her palace. The excuse is often brought up that the husband cannot find employment. It is the writers’ belief that if the women were expelled from places of business,…these very men would find employment. These same womens’ husbands would naturally be paid a higher salary, inasmuch as male employees demand a higher salary than females.1  相似文献   

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This paper examines the geographical imaginations associated with aviation in fascist Italy, focusing on the representation of flight on the one hand, and on the other hand the role of propaganda flights organized by the regime in the 1930s. The representation and use of aviation in interwar Italy is explored in light of the concept of technological legitimation, based on an understanding of technological practice as a political and ideological instrument. Aviation, as one of the new subjects of artistic representations of the modern era, was grasped by avant-garde and modern movements in the early twentieth century. In turn, representations of aviation were used by Mussolini's regime, which considered it a key to national development and modernization, materially as well as in the representational sphere. Propaganda flights in 1930s Italy were organized by the Ministry of Aeronautics and local aero clubs, and were an expression of the politicized use of aviation, both in terms of representations of technology and the aviator, and the exploitation of flight's public potential for the construction of fascist spectacle.  相似文献   

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