考古发掘中与《史记》记载中的“阿房宫”一致性新探

两千多年来,无论是历史文献记载和文学作品的描绘,还是地面上留下的阿房宫前殿遗址的夯土台基,都在误导着人们：秦代阿房宫已经建成,后来被项羽焚毁。但近年来阿房宫考古发掘表明,阿房宫是没有建成的＂半拉子＂工程,前殿遗址中未发现火烧的遗迹。《史记》中虽提及＂阿房宫＂达18处,提及＂项羽屠咸阳火烧秦宫室＂达7处,但没有一处提及阿房宫已经建成,也没有一处指明项羽烧了阿房宫,反倒有＂阿房宫未成,成欲更择令名名之＂的记载。可见,＂阿房宫＂在考古发掘与《史记》记载中是相吻合的,是有一致性的,即阿房宫没有建成,项羽也没有火烧阿房宫。     

司马迁笔下的“阿房宫”可信性初探

近年来,国人对阿房宫考古结论产生了诸多认识上的分歧,分歧主要集中在阿房宫的“建成与否”及“火烧与否”两个问题上。《史记》中有“阿房宫未成”、“项羽屠咸阳火烧秦宫室”的明确记载,而没有“项羽火烧阿房宫”的记载,这与阿房宫考古发掘的结论是相一致的,即阿房宫没有建成,项羽也没有火烧阿房宫。然而,对阿房宫考古发掘结论持相反观点的人,不但认为“阿房宫不仅建成而且被项羽一把大火烧掉”,还对司马迁笔下的“阿房宫”是否具有可信性产生怀疑。经考证,无论是从司马迁写《史记》的客观条件及其治史态度,还是从其史学思想到写《史记》所肩负的使命感上看,其对“阿房宫”的记载都是客观的、可信的。     

阿房宫：秦代的“半拉子”工程

2002年10月,中国社科院考古所与西安文物保护考古所联合组成阿房宫考古队,进行遗址发掘考古。至2003年,考古队专家依据考古发现提出：阿房宫没有被烧,阿房宫只建成前殿。证据是：前殿遗址只发现耕土层、扰土层、汉代堆积层和夯土台基,未发现秦代堆积层,没有发现秦代瓦当和柱子、廊道、散水排水系统等等必不可少的辅助设施。     

阿房宫：虚构与传奇

2007年左右,中国社会科学院考古研究所与西安市文物保护考古所联合发布关于阿房宫遗址的考古结果。核心结论有两个,一是阿房宫根本没有建成．二是项羽没有烧毁过阿房宫。这两条消息可谓石破天惊。要知道,上个世纪末,阿房宫还被联合国教科文组织称为“天下第一宫”,认为其遗址建筑规模和保存完整程度在世界古建筑中名列第一。     

阿房宫及其规模考

2000多年来,由于记载阿房宫的史料太少,阿房宫究竟有多大没有定论。《史记》所载阿房宫是分期兴建的,一期工程是先建造前殿阿房"先作前殿阿房,东西五百步,南北五十丈,上可以坐万人,下可以建五丈旗"。然而,工程施工并不顺利,秦始皇的突然病死,继之因二世的残暴统治而引发的农民起义,使一期工程没有完成,二期工程自然成了泡影。近年来阿房宫考古发掘已证实了这一结局,即秦阿房宫没建成,甚至连前殿都没建成,所谓的阿房宫前殿遗址其实就是没有建成的阿房宫遗址。历史上的阿房宫虽然不像文献、文学作品及民间传说中描述的那样规模宏大,但从其前殿遗址范围看,其规模比司马迁描述的前殿阿房的规模要大一些。     

秦阿房官只是一个半拉子工程

传说西楚霸王项羽的军队入关以后,将阿房宫及所有附属建筑纵火焚烧,化为灰烬。但阿房宫考古队近日发表报告否定了这一说法。根据调查报告显示,阿房宫前殿遗址夯土台基东西长1270米、南北宽426米．台基上面西、北、东三面已有夯筑土墙,墙顶部有瓦的铺设;夯土台基上面没有建筑南墙。三面墙里面没有发现秦代文化层和秦代宫殿建筑遗迹。     

秦阿房宫管见

阿房宫是秦在渭南上林苑中营建的一座最宏大的群体建筑。《三辅黄图》云:“阿房宫亦曰阿城,惠文王造,宫未成而亡,始皇广其宫。”秦孝公在渭北建的“冀阙宫庭”背依大原,水源短缺,故惠文王着手在上林苑中营造新宫,宫未成而惠文王亡,遂中辍。至昭王时,鉴于阿城与渭北宫区相距较远,不便往来,故放弃阿城而在长安乡建兴乐宫等宫殿。秦始皇完成统一大业之后,为了把政治中心转移到地面开阔、用水方便、交通便利的丰镐附近,决定在惠文王的基础上扩建阿房宫,作为新的朝宫,以体现统一帝国首府的宏大体魂。他规划以阿房宫为中心,把咸阳及其周围三百余里的“离宫别馆”用辇道连接起来,构成一个规模空前的帝都。此宫从秦始皇三十五年(公     

考古发掘VS史书记载——项羽火烧阿房宫是历史冤案？

2002年,为了更好的对阿房宫遗址进行保护,阿房宫联合教研队对秦阿房宫遗址进行了首次大规模正式考古作业。2003年底,在一个飘雪的日子里,面对媒体和同行,考古工作者大胆地提出,阿房宫其实并未建成,项羽烧阿房宫是历史冤案。阿房宫,是秦在上林苑中建造的一组最宏大的宫殿建筑群。是为皇帝大朝所设计的朝宫,是秦一设朝、主政、施令的地方。     

项羽火烧阿房宫是历史冤案?

2002年,为了更好的对阿房宫遗址进行保护, 阿房宫联合考古队对秦阿房官遗址 进行了首次大规模正式考古作业。2003年年底,在一个飘雪的日子里,面对媒体和同行, 考古工作者大胆地提出,阿房宫其实并未建成 项羽烧阿房宫是历史冤案 阿房宫,是秦在上林苑中建造的一组最宏大的宫殿建筑群。 是为皇帝大朝所设计的朝宫, 是秦王设朝、主政、施令的地方。     

何必重建阿房宫

去年．媒体有消息说．“秦阿房宫将重现．一期工程已结束．二期工程将于8月底竣工。”以微缩形式重建的阿房宫占地35万平方米．总投资13亿元人民币。消息传出．许多人忧心忡忡。     

金山咀秦代建筑遗址发掘报告

<正> 遗址位于河北省秦皇岛市北戴河区金山咀及其附近(图一,(1))。金山咀系一伸入海中的高岗岬角,其东、南、西三面环海,北与陆地相连,形如一个半岛。据调查,秦代建筑遗址在金山咀及其附近原有较大范围的分布。多年来,这里被辟为旅游区,兴修了大量现代建筑,对遗址造成大面积的破坏,目前可以工作的地方已寥寥无几。 这一带属沿海丘陵区,地势高低错落,起伏较大。目前已知的秦代建筑遗址分布在以金     

从盘龙城遗址看商文化在长江中游地区的发展

从盘龙城城址、宫展、贵州墓葬的存在及化面貌的性质来看,其为南方土方国的可能性不大,应是商人南下所建直系方国的都邑所在。作为商人在南土的区域统治中心,其作用应该说是多方面的,相比而言,盘龙城对商王朝来说,经济上的作用可能更加重要,一方面为商王朝在南方收取贡赋及各类物质,以保障商王室及其他贵族的生活需要和国家机构的运转;另一方面重点开采、收集南方的铜矿资源并由此转运北上,以满足商王朝政治、军事和经济上的广泛需要。     

唐代行宫考逸

有唐一代,广建行宫．考诸史籍,关中之外的唐代行官约有２７座,其中６座绍 继隋代。除了奉高官位于河北道和晋阳宫、龙池宫、汾阳宫、飞龙宫位于河东道,其余的关外唐 代行宫皆在河南道,这是因为洛阳是唐代陪都,河南是唐代都江之地。     

On Niello

In a previous volume of this journal, it was proposed that the bishop's palace at Bath was laid out on a modular plan (Chapman, Davenport and Holland 1995). The idea is beguiling, but not supported by the evidence. In fact the case makes an instructive example of the dangers of medieval documentation for the unwary. The problems are briefly discussed here. Full evidence for the location of the bishop's palace at Bath has been published elsewhere and remains valid (Davenport and Lucas 1991; Manco 1994, 80). It is proposed here that the close was laid out between two Saxon streets and so fossilised apart of the Saxon street plan.     

Rethinking Canaanite Palaces? The Palatial Economy of Tel Kabri during the Middle Bronze Age

Here we explore aspects of Canaanite palatial economy through an analysis of finds from the Middle Bronze Age palace at Tel Kabri, a 34 ha site located in the western Galilee of modern day Israel. The palace was founded in the middle part of the MBA I period, and continued without interruption until an advanced part of the MBA II period. Despite the fact that the Kabri palace was vast (perhaps up to 6000?sq?m), functioned as the center of a polity, and could commission wall and floor paintings in an Aegean style, there are no signs of literate administration, or even administrative use of sealings. Patterns of animal husbandry, textile production, pottery manufacture and consumption, and storage within the palace all provide evidence that the palace behaved economically much more like an estate than a redistributive center. Our hypothesis is that the palace had aspects of an Oikos economy, i.e., that it functioned as a large household—richer and more populous than other households of the period, but with minimal involvement in the economy of the private sector. This contrasts with the contemporary polities in Syria, such as Alalakh and Ebla, as well as possibly its neighbor to the east, Tel Hazor, which had literate administrations and redistributive economies during this same period.     

"For it shall be a witness between us" a literary reading of josh 22

ABSTRACT

Eusocial species form societies in which subordinates, which belong to an obligately sterile caste, help raise the young that dominants produce. As in any eusocial species, reproduction was strongly “skewed” in the Ancient Near East: kings assembled harems of thousands of women, and fathered hundreds of children; but their families were provisioned and protected, in part, by eunuchs. As early as 4th-millennium Uruk, “beardless” subjects waited on bearded monarchs; large numbers of eunuchs were commanding imperial armies and administering imperial palaces by Ashurbanipal's time. Assyrian emperors, on the other hand, left records of hundreds of harem governess and weavers, servants and singers; and Artaxerxes II, the Persian king, is supposed to have fathered 115 bastards, along with 3 legitimate sons. So it went in Ancient Israel and Judah. Hebrew kings from David to Zedekiah grew dependent on eunuch messengers, eunuch stewards, eunuch army commanders and eunuch palace guards—who served as workers and soldiers for their hundreds of concubines and wives, and their housefuls of daughters and sons.     

Suffolk Place,Southwark, London: a Tudor palace and its terracotta architectural decoration

Suffolk Place (c. 1518–22), Southwark, was the London residence of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. This majestic palace is visible in the foreground of Wyngaerde’s London panorama (c. 1544), from which it can be inferred that it possessed a double courtyard plan. The southern and eastern ranges of the outer courtyard of Suffolk Place were apparently adorned with architectural terracottas at both entablature and parapet level. As the palace was demolished in 1557–58, the finds of ex-situ terracottas are a key source of information concerning the decorative scheme of this vanished palace. Petrological study and other research indicates that the terracottas were locally manufactured, implying the existence of a London-area workshop.     

Visitor experiences: art,architecture and space at the papal curia c.1200

ABSTRACT

The Lateran Palace in Rome was the main papal residence and the administrative centre of the papacy in the central Middle Ages. The physical setting that confronted visitors to the Roman curia at the Lateran Palace during the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) can be explored by piecing together information from curial material and the few visitors’ accounts about the architecture, art and use of space within this no-longer existent building. The article examines how visitors perceived the palace and the use of space within it, placing particular emphasis on visitors’ admission to the different areas of the palace which determined their access to the pope and other members of the curia. The ways in which the layout and decoration of the palace reflected and reinforced notions of papal authority are also discussed.     

试述明代宫廷史的分期与特点

明代宫廷史是明代历史的重要组成部分,也是故宫学研究的重要内容之一。本文以宫廷中各种势力间的相互关系、帝王本人的执政方式、宦官、内阁与皇帝的关系、宫廷文化的发展变化、国家与宫廷的财政关系及其变化等内容为依据,将明代宫廷史划分为三个阶段,分别为洪武至宣德朝、正统至正德朝、嘉靖至崇祯朝。每一阶段都有各自不同的特点,这些特点的背后则是错综复杂的宫廷史内容。