袁世凯做皇帝天数的订正

袁世凯做皇帝的天数,根据他复辟帝制的史实进行计算,因起算的日期不同,可有两说:第一说是从他于1915年12月12日承认帝位之日起至1916年3月22日取消帝制之日止,共102天(即1915年12月分内合20天,1916年1月分合31天,2月分合29天,3月分内合22天);第二说是从他于1916年1月1日改元“洪宪”之日起至取消帝制之日止,共82天。以上两说,均不(忄李)史实,合     

东山岛《鼎建翠云宫乡厉坛碑记》

正东山岛铜陵镇美丽的九仙山下有一座具有500年历史的恩波寺,寺内藏有《鼎建翠云宫乡厉坛碑记》,抄本曰:夫厉坛之制,何妨乎考古祭法。有泰厉、有公厉、有族厉,实列七祀、五祀、三祀之中,而厉之名由是起焉。明洪武间,令备府州县岁祭无祀鬼神,外此各乡村里社人民亦得立坛设祭,祭礼与州府县同,谓之乡厉坛。盖沿古厉祭之法而踵而增之者乎。铜山有厉坛在恩波寺西侧,旁置漏泽园一所,岁春清明秋七月望,地方官将到地行礼,     

红山文化积石冢冢制渊源初探

积石冢或“坛庙冢”三位一体的组合是红山文化的主要特点,其形制、性质、礼仪及创制理念直接影响了中国文化几千年,为中华礼制文明的起源和发展创制了基础框架模式。因此,著名考古学家苏秉琦先生说：“红山文化坛庙冢,中华文明一象征。”而庙、坛皆因冢而分化、析出,所以,在探讨中华文明起源的过程中,对冢的研究具有“行到水穷处”的源头意义。本文通过红山文化积石冢遗迹与后世帝王冢制的比较,典籍文献的描述以及近年来考古发现的综合研究,从而证明了红山文化与中华传统文化源流清晰,一脉相承的渊源关系。     

北京的“坛”

北京有许多公园,名称上就挂着“坛”字,如天坛、地坛、月坛、日坛;还有些公园内部有“坛”的遗址,如中山公园内的社稷坛,北海公园内的先蚕坛;还有一些名存实亡,或者连名字也被人遗忘的“坛”,如天桥附近的先农坛、太岁坛、山川坛,天坛东南的崇雩坛等等。     

南京国民政府初期大学院改制失败原因又解

<正>南京国民政府初期的大学院制是中国历史上教育独立的一次积极尝试。关于大学院失败的原因,陈哲三曾归纳为与训政精神不合、学界派系的倾轧、主持人物的由合而分、经费的困难等(陈哲三:《中华民国大学院之研究》,台湾商务印书馆1976年版,第179页)。还有学者认为失败缘于对法国教育行政制度模仿失当和大学院制自身的缺陷等(杨卫明、黄仁贤:《中国教育管理体制改革的非凡尝试——民国时期的"大学院"与"大学区"制》,《国家教育行政学院学报》2006年第10期)。但     

唐代的身分制社會

<正>國家統治原理的實施,必須以當時社會結構爲前提。秦漢以來已建立小農經濟型態,所以可實施"人頭統治"(或曰"個别人身支配")。到唐代,國家權力是依禮而建立身分制社會。此即將全國人循由下列二種機制相互結合而賦予某種地位:一爲依據政治權力運作所規定的身分,政府根據全國人年齡多寡,區分爲黄、小、中、丁、老五種身分,承擔國家給予的權利與義務;一爲社會關係的身分,此即親屬關係、義合關係以及主     

唐代的身分制社會

<正>國家統治原理的實施,必須以當時社會結構爲前提。秦漢以來已建立小農經濟型態,所以可實施"人頭統治"(或曰"個别人身支配")。到唐代,國家權力是依禮而建立身分制社會。此即將全國人循由下列二種機制相互結合而賦予某種地位:一爲依據政治權力運作所規定的身分,政府根據全國人年齡多寡,區分爲黄、小、中、丁、老五種身分,承擔國家給予的權利與義務;一爲社會關係的身分,此即親屬關係、義合關係以及主     

阿弥和陀佛(白族)

阿弥和陀佛原来是两个人,后来成了佛,合称为阿弥陀佛。阿弥和陀佛是同一个村子里的,两人是老友。阿弥买了陀佛的一块地来种,挖地时挖出一坛金子。阿弥就抱着金子去见陀佛。阿弥说:“地是陀佛的,这坛金子也应该是陀佛的。”陀佛说:“地已卖给了阿弥,地里挖出的东西,就应该是阿弥的。”     

符及符的使用

符是古代常用的信用凭证。“符,信也。谓分而合之曰符。字从竹。汉制以竹,长六寸,分而相合为信。”即古人对符的确切描述（《玄应音义·卷十》）。目前,无论从已知文献还是现存实物看,符的使用范围都限于官方。其中最为大家熟悉的就是调兵遣将的兵符了。此符在前秦及秦汉时多为虎形,     

蕲春出土的明代瓷器

湖北蕲春县博物馆收藏的瓷器中多数为墓中出土的随葬品,现从中选择部分明代瓷器,分述如下。青花凤凰牡丹坛 1件。1966年三角山乡下屋楼村陈塆明墓出土(图版捌:3)。坛短颈,平口,沿外折,丰肩,收腹,浅圈足,足底沿略外撇。通高33.9、口径10.3、腹径21.5、底径15.2厘米。器壁内外均施青白釉作衬地,釉明亮光润。颈、肩部     

五代祀天祭祖礼考述

礼制是社会、文化、政治、制度、经济等等诸多方面的结合点,祀天祭祖礼作为吉礼的重要组成部分,是表明权力来源合法化的主要标志。五代吉礼特别是祀天祭祖礼在乱世中得到了某种程度上更多更好的施行,传世的材料也相对多一些,却似乎没有得到更多的重视。本文在广泛收集相关史料的基础上,考察了五代时期祀天祭祖礼的基本情况,分为昊天上帝和祖宗两个部分进行了排比分析,在一定程度上恢复了五代祀天祭祖礼的基本面貌。     

从龙南遗址看良渚文化的住居和祭祀

不同的祭祀方式已显现出良渚文化时期社会上下层群体的重大差异。     

祭祀仪式“反结构”的“不完整倒置性”——基于上果村壮族“祭太阳”仪式的讨论

云南西畴县上果村壮族"祭太阳"仪式在"反结构"阈限期内具有"不完整倒置性"现象。在上果村的传统文化和村民生活结构中,"祭太阳"仪式的"反结构"具有生活的逻辑性和合理性。"祭太阳"仪式中男性与女性"不完整倒置"的反结构现象蕴涵了上果村传统地方知识、壮族两性文化和仪式结构功能共同支配下的稳定性与流动性。     

Resisting the sacred canopy over U.S. ways of war

This article explores the “omnipotent sacrificial sacred canopy” in US war-culture. I argue that sacrificial linguistic habits and patterns of logic in the US successfully discipline citizens, such that the violence of our current wars remains mystified, and clear analysis of the wars' true costs is disabled. Rather than attempt to arrive at one universal theory of sacrifice to analyze and better understand sacrificial US war-culture, I demonstrate that diverse theoretical methods of analysis better help us to understand the pluralistic nuances and permutations of these smothering dynamics. I further argue that increased awareness of the sacrificial sacred canopy over war and militarism in the US finally must lead to self-examination on the part of Christians regarding the way in which sacrificial civil religious admonishments regarding war merge with and are mutually reinforced by theological and ecclesial soteriological habits of Christians in the US Lastly, I advocate a two-fold approach for addressing this disturbing and destructive reality in the nation.     

广州榄园岭遗址先民祭祀遗迹的炭屑和植硅体分析

祭祀是先民生活的重要组成部分之一。尽管贵族祭祀活动的研究较多,但平民祭祀遗迹却由于发现较少而难以深入分析。广州榄园岭遗址春秋时期墓葬群中发现了越文化中常见的碎物祭祀坑。本研究对若干墓葬和相关祭祀坑中的填土开展了炭屑和植硅体分析。结果表明,先民在祭祀坑中有意燃烧过植物类祭品;用作祭品的植物种类较杂,包含扇型、棒型、方型或刺球型等植硅体。结合其他遗址中出现的类似现象,榄园岭先民的祭祀活动,应是在因地制宜、就地取材的基础上,吸收了苗蛮文化的因素,同时影响了其他地区。这一发现为探索先秦古人的祭祀行为提供了丰富信息;此外,炭屑和植硅体分析为确定祭祀遗迹提供了新的研究范式。     

“If I were hungry,I would not tell you” (Ps 50, 12): Perspectives on the Care and Feeding of the Gods in the Hebrew Bible

Abstract

In the Hebrew Bible, sacrifices are described as food for Yahweh and thus the sacrificial system corresponds with the general Ancient Near Eastern system of the “care and feeding of the gods” At the same time, human-divine commensality is problematized in narrative texts such as Judges 6 and 13, where the burnt offering is stressed as the only and necessarily different way the deity may consume food. Finally, some passages, such as Psalm 50, quoted above, explicitly reject the notion that sacrifices and offerings should be required as sustenance for Yahweh since he is the creator and owner of the world and everything in it.

This article offers a survey of various views on sacrifice as food for the deity in the Hebrew Bible and discusses these views in their Ancient Near Eastern context. It is suggested that the main understanding of sacrifice as meal in the Hebrew Bible is one that emphasizes difference through commensality and stresses the incompatibility of the human and the divine sphere through the social locus of the meal.     

Crucibles of power: Forging copper and forging subjects at the Moche Ceremonial Center of Huaca Colorada,Peru

An analysis of copper production, architectural construction, and feasting rites as interrelated ritual activities at the Late Moche site of Huaca Colorada suggests that power asymmetries were embedded in a distinctive relational ontology and sacrificial worldview. Power was exercised not by alienating communities from their means of production or excluding the majority lower class from the diacritical symbols of power. Rather, the manufacture of copper items enabled subjects to directly contribute to Moche rites of regeneration and social reproduction; the skilled metamorphosis of copper into finished objects paralleled and symbolically reinforced the ritual re-formation of bodies and political subjectivities at Huaca Colorada. Ultimately, an examination of copper production at Huaca Colorada as a ritual of bodily transformation sheds light on the culturally specific structures of power characterizing the greater Jequetepeque region during the Late Moche Period.     

Identifying locals, migrants, and captives in the Wari Heartland: A bioarchaeological and biogeochemical study of human remains from Conchopata, Peru

The site of Conchopata in the central Peruvian Andes was the secondary center in the heartland of the Wari Empire (AD 600–1000), and in this study we examine whether this urban locale was populated by locals, voluntary migrants from distant regions, and/or captives who were forcibly brought to Conchopata. We examine radiogenic strontium isotope ratios from 72 dental enamel and bone samples representing 31 formal burials and 18 human trophy heads to distinguish between locals and non-locals, and we examine skeletal and archaeological data to establish whether non-local persons were voluntary migrants or captives. We also describe a new, straightforward technique in the evaluation of radiogenic strontium isotope ratios to assist in detecting non-locals when large datasets are available.Results show that natal Conchopata inhabitants should exhibit radiogenic strontium isotope ratios that range from ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70548 to ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70610. Thus, among the 31 burials, 29 exhibit local values, suggesting that Conchopata was not a cosmopolitan center to which numerous foreigners migrated; rather, it was populated by local peoples, likely the descendants of the preceding Huarpa culture. The two individuals with non-local radiogenic strontium isotope ratios are an infant and a 17–22 years old female. The archaeological context suggests that the female may have been taken captive for subsequent sacrifice, as she was interred in front of the ritual D-shaped structure in which decapitated human heads (trophy heads) and sacrificed camelids were deposited. Among the 18 trophy heads sampled, 14 have non-local values, confirming previous studies of smaller samples that suggested that Wari warriors travelled to other locales and took captives—both adults and children—for subsequent transformation into trophy heads. Additional analyses of bone-tooth pairs from a subsample (12 burials and six trophy heads) shows that the burial group was much more sedentary (homogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth) and the trophy head individuals were much more mobile (heterogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth). Overall, the multiple lines of evidence support the notion that the Wari Empire occasionally used militaristic means, combined with elaborate ritualism, to subjugate other populations, a tactic that may have helped Wari establish and maintain control in particular regions in the Andes.     

Between improvement and sacrifice: Othering and the (bio)political ecology of climate change

In this article, we argue that othering is central to the government of climate change. Critically engaging with Foucault’s ideas on biopolitics and racism, we elaborate a conceptual perspective for analysing how such a “technology of government” operates. We review diverse literatures from geography, political ecology, critical adaptation studies and the environmental humanities dealing with discursive constructions of the other in three exemplary areas of intervention—mitigation (particularly “green” mineral extraction for renewable energy production); constructions of “vulnerability” in adaptation policies; and the governing of “climate migrants”. We contend that these interventions largely work through the extension of capitalist relations, underpinned by racist and colonial ways of seeing populations and territories as “in need of improvement”. And that, by legitimising and depoliticizing such interventions, and by suspending responsibility for their unwanted or even deadly impacts, othering helps to preserve existing relations of racial, patriarchal and class domination in the face of climate-induced social upheavals. Othering, we conclude, is not only a feature of fossil fuelled development, but a way of functioning of capitalist governmentality more broadly—which has important implications for thinking about emancipatory and climate-just transformations.     

湖北宜城老鸹仓遗址试掘报告

老鸹仓遗址位于湖北省宜城市,面积约60000平方米,为配合襄荆高速公路的建设,湖北省物考古研究所于2000年对该遗址进行了试掘,试掘面积为130平方米。此次发掘共揭露屈家岭化灰坑3座、房址1座、瓮棺4座,石家河化灰坑10座、灰沟2条、房址一座、墓葬2座及瓮棺4座。屈家岭化的出土物包括陶碗、豆、盆、罐、杯、纺轮,骨族、簪以及动物遗存等;石家河化的出土物包括陶碗、豆、鼎、杯、罐、网坠、纺轮,骨针,石斧以及动物遗存等。此次发掘为这两种化的分期提供了新的依据。