State restrictions on the Ahmadiyya sect in Indonesia and Pakistan: Islam or political survival?

Indonesia and Pakistan have both adopted state policy that restricts the religious freedom of a minority heterodox sect, the Ahmadiyya, which is viewed by mainstream Muslims as a non-Muslim minority. This outcome is somewhat puzzling as there is a great discrepancy between the institutionalisation and formal privileging of the dominant religion – Islam – in the two Muslim majority states. I find that the similar outcome is attributable not to the institutionalisation of Islam in the state, but rather to the political survival needs of the regime, motivating it to adopt the policy demands of Islamist actors to repress the Ahmadiyya sect.

印度尼西亚和巴基斯坦都施行了限制少数异端艾哈马蒂亚教派宗教自由的国家政策。艾哈马蒂亚被主流穆斯林视为非穆斯林少数派。这个结果有些令人费解,因为在两个穆斯林占多数的国家,在主导性宗教即伊斯兰教的体制化与特权化之间存在差异。笔者发现,类似的的结果根源不在伊斯兰的体制化,倒是在于政权的政治生存需要,即响应伊斯兰主义主体压制艾哈马蒂亚教派的政策需要。     

Fanuensis ergo mercator ou le petit monde d'un homme d'affaires génois,le juge Guarnerius (1210–1221)

Analysis of thirteenth-century Genoese minute-books frequently offers precise details about Genoese society and the economy of Genoa at that time. By re-grouping the entries relating to a single personage, the judge Guarnerius, one realises that the famous dictum Januensis ergo mercator, “Genoese therefore merchant”, needs reconsideration in the light of the fact that, though all the Genoese were effectively involved in commercial transactions, some were much more engaged than others. Thus Guarnerius, because of the scale of his investments and the role played around him by members of his family or household, appears in the years 1212–1220 as an early example of the Genoese professional merchant. The question arises whether, from the start of the thirteenth century, there was not already at Genoa a group of specialised businessmen from which a truly professional class of merchants was about to evolve. If such a hypothesis is confirmed, some reflections on the origins of Genoese capitalism are called for.     

After-school Hours and the Meanings of Home: Re-defining Finnish Childhood Space

School children's use of their home during the after-school hours has become a controversial question in Finnish society. The article discusses cultural conceptions and uses of home as a specific space for children by comparing two different sets of empirical data: children's accounts of their after-school spaces and media debate on the same topic. Activated public concern in media accounts is analysed as a process of re-defining the properties of ‘proper places’ for children, whereas children's accounts are interpreted as expressions of local cultures. For the children, home is an ideal place for spending after-school time, while the public debate portrays the home as empty and children as lonely and unsafe. Definitions of home in after-school time are considered as part of a broader cultural process of re-defining contemporary Finnish childhood in which control turns out to be a crucial dimension of children's ‘proper places’.     

工程建设招投标环节职务犯罪的法律规制研究

现阶段工程建设领域业已成为职务犯罪的高发领域,涉案金额大,后果严重,给国家和人民利益造成了巨大损失,其中以工程建设招投标环节违法违规问题尤为突出。正确认识工程建设招投标环节职务犯罪的特点和规律,有效预防和遏制该领域的职务犯罪活动,是我们必须认真思考和研究的课题。     

Transnational Muslim solidarities and everyday life

ABSTRACT. Discussions of globalisation and identity have focused on the renewed relevance of various post‐national frameworks of belonging, including the Muslim umma. This article argues against the idea that the umma has come to constitute a primary referent in contemporary Muslim debates about identity or a form of globalised political consciousness. Furthermore, the advent of ‘post‐Islamism’ means that Islamic political mobilisation rarely seeks to establish alternative political orders within the container of the nation‐state. However, this does not mean that we are seeing a reaffirmation of the nation in Muslim contexts today. Rather, transnational Muslim solidarities represent an intermediate space of affiliation and socio‐political mobilisation that exists alongside and in an ambivalent relationship with the nation‐state. I point to two different socio‐religious movements that, without positing the primacy or exclusivity of the umma/Islamic identity, express discrepant visions of the relationship between Islam and the nation: (1) the Fethullah Gülen movement, which serves simultaneously as the vehicle for a particular vision of neo‐Ottoman Turkish nationalism and a critique of the Kemalist national order; and (2) the neo‐Salafist movement, read here as an effort to embed conceptions of public morality and accountability within the discursive tradition of orthodox Islam rather than the institutional framework of modern polity.     

1962年中印边界冲突与美巴关系

本文认为1962年中印边界冲突前,随着美国南亚政策的调整,美巴的盟友关系出现了潜在的裂缝.中印边界冲突发生后,美国在未同巴基斯坦磋商的情况下向印度提供军事援助,导致美巴关系fla～T危机.冲突停止后,美巴关系继续恶化,1965年印巴战争爆发后降到了历史的最低点.本文也认为美巴关系发生剧变有非常复杂的原因.     

Future Characteristics of the Elderly in Developing Countries and Their Implications for Policy

This paper explores barriers leading to continuing low levels of girls' schooling in Pakistan. More specifically, and for rural areas, the authors examine the barriers stemming from culturally associated gender in schooling, focusing, in particular, on school availability and constraints on female mobility. Logistic regressions of enrolment and attrition using secondary data from the National Adolescent and Youth Survey show that even after taking school availability into account, girls in households allowing unrestricted mobility to school had 1.5 times higher odds of ever being enrolled than those who required an escort. Once in school, the need for an escort implied 1.6 times higher odds of dropping out. The paper concludes that while investment in girls' schools, and to secondary level, is paramount for starting and continuing in school, the potential benefits will only be fully realised with accompanying measures which facilitate rural girls' mobility.     

不合作的悲剧：全印联邦方案流产探析

英国政府非常重视印度权力的移交问题。将政权移交给一个统一的印度政府可能在最大限度内维护英国在印度的政治利益、经济利益和战略利益。1918年《蒙塔古—蔡姆斯福德报告》提出由英属印度和印度土邦组成印度联邦的设想,此后,英国政府为实现这一设想作了很多努力,《西蒙委员会报告》、圆桌会议、《1935年印度政府法》、"内阁使团方案"一再重申并不断完善联邦方案。但是,由于国大党、穆斯林联盟等印度党派和教派不能互相妥协与合作,全印联邦方案最终流产,英国政府不得不实行印巴分治。     

法律地理学与中国犯罪行为研究

本文介绍了人文地理学研究领域中日趋活跃的新学科分支--法律地理学研究的现状与发展;以法律地理学研究的重要对象--犯罪行为为例,研究了中国不同典型地域,不同经济发展水平下犯罪行为的区域差异特征,尝试探讨中国法律地理学建设和发展的现实可行性,以图推动中国人文地理学的学科建设和发展。     

南京政府时期胡汉民的反腐败思想

作为国民党元老、国民政府首任立法院长的胡汉民,以其政治家的眼光和清廉的德操,坚决反对国民党1927年取得全国政权后即已滋长的腐败,包括司法腐败,他的关于廉洁政府、澄清吏治、守法养廉和司法公平的思想至今仍然颇有意义。     

关于对诚实信用原则适用于税法的质疑

公法与私法在性质上截然有别,所以决定了诚实信用原则适用于公法的极大的局限性。私法上多为任意性规定,公法上多为强行性规定,法律规定的就必须严格遵守,实行严格的法定主义;而诚实信用原则在于补充法律的不足,因此若将诚实信用原则适用于公法,必然会破坏公法的严格性,为公权力的扩张提供途径。     

司马光的易学历史观探析

本文主要探讨司马光的史学与其经学之一的易学之间的关系。司马光通过其易学形式表达了独具特色的历史观。他提出易道的观念,认为凡宇宙之间皆易,易就是阴阳之变、五行之化,这就对自然和人类历史发展的普遍性原则作出了界定;又提出圣人作《易》,为数亦为义,义急、数亦急,以义与数作为历史发展普遍性原则的重要内容;并认为《易》是对易道的表征,《易》有见微而知彰、原始而知终的史学功能;在探讨自然和人类历史存在的形式时,司马光还提出阳非阴不成,阴非阳不生,阴阳之道表里相承的观点,为人类社会历史发展揭示了其应有的价值目标和方向。