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1.
经济外交是认识和理解冷战历史的重要研究角度。经济外交与对外经济战略、对外经济关系、私人企业对外交往活动有着较为明显的联系与区别。对外援助是经济外交最重要的表现形式。美国相关解密外交档案的启示作用,一是帮助澄清了经济外交是美国实现冷战目标的最重要工具之一;二是冷战时期美国对第三世界国家实施的经济援助计划,是其遏制苏联大战略的有机组成部分。  相似文献   

2.
    
This article deconstructs United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2094 through the preambulatory statements, objectives, obligations, and implementation and enforcement provisions of UNSC Resolution 2094. The article proceeds in three parts. First, it reviews the academic literature on UNSC sanctions and their application in the North Korean case. Second, it deconstructs UNSC Resolution 2094 according to the common structural components of international legal instruments to assess the level of congruence between the objectives of UNSC Resolution 2094, its enforcement mechanisms and outcomes. Third, it explores the weaknesses of UNSC Resolution 2094, focusing on the gap between the objectives and enforcement mechanisms found in the resolution. The inability of the UNSC sanctions regime to prevent North Korea reaching the cusp of becoming a nuclear weapons power is evidence of the international community's weak leverage over Pyongyang, a situation arising from the vulnerability of South Korea to a North Korean attack and the cross-cutting strategic priorities of China; the absence of economic linkages between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the primary sanctions-sender state in the USA; and North Korea's commitment to a nuclear weapons capability as the foundation of its medium-term economic development strategy, its institutional governance structure and associated ideological commitments.  相似文献   

3.
With the intensification of the Financial Action Task Force's (FATF's) worldwide campaign to promote anti-money-laundering regulation since the late 1990s, all Asian states except North Korea have signed up to its rules and have established a regional institution—the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering—to promote and oversee the implementation of FATF's 40 Recommendations in the region. This article analyses the FATF regime, making two key claims. First, anti-money-laundering governance in Asia reflects a broader shift to regulatory regionalism, particularly in economic matters, in that its implementation and functioning depend upon the rescaling of ostensibly domestic agencies to function within a regional governance regime. Second, although this form of regulatory regionalism is established in order to bypass the perceived constraints of national sovereignty and political will, it nevertheless inevitably becomes entangled within the socio-political conflicts that shape the exercise of state power more broadly. Consequently, understanding the outcomes of regulatory regionalism involves identifying how these conflicts shape how far and in what manner global regulations are adopted and implemented within specific territories. This argument is demonstrated by a case study of Myanmar.  相似文献   

4.
叶琴  曾刚 《人文地理》2019,34(3):7-13,145
借助Citespace软件,回顾相关文献,系统梳理了经济地理学领域创新网络的研究脉络、研究内容,明晰研究不足与研究方向。创新网络研究重点与研究方向:①网络空间尺度方面,已有研究关注集群内与集群间网络、城市内与城市间网络(城市群网络)、跨国公司全球网络配置等问题;未来研究应从单一尺度向多尺度网络耦合研究转变,从单一网络向多重网络融合研究转变。②网络演化及其驱动因素方面,节点演变、多维邻近性对网络演化的影响成为研究重点,未来应重视对产业和技术网络轨迹演变的研究。③网络结构及其对创新的影响方面,已有研究关注节点网络结构如何影响个体创新行为与创新结果,未来应深化整体网络结构和连接原因,以及网络组成对整体网络演化影响的研究。未来应加强对中国欠发达地区、中国后发跨国公司创新网络的实证研究,强化计量方法的应用,例如块模型、社区发现等方法。  相似文献   

5.
    
Abstract

When the Rhodesian Front Party under Prime Minister lan Smith declared unilateral independence (UDI) from Britain on November 11 1965, the international community responded by imposing economic sanctions against the rebel regime. At the time, the British prime minister, Harold Wilson was convinced that given the smallness and the fragility of the Rhodesian economy, international economic sanctions would quickly bring Rhodesia to its knees. Sanctions did not succeed, in the short run, in bringing the Rhodesian economy to its knees, however, partly because South Africa and Portugal refused to participate in sanctions and helped Rhodesia circumvent sanctions. This study examines South Africa's economic support for Rhodesia in the early years of Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence. It argues that South Africans defied international opinion over the Rhodesian question partly because of the widespread sympathy for their kith and kin across the border that were fighting the same battle against black nationalism as the South African ruling party, but also because of South Africa's need to protect and promote national interests through a demonstration of the inefficacy of international sanctions and boycotts at a time when it was, itself, a possible target for international sanctions because of its apartheid system.  相似文献   

6.
This paper draws on export data from four of Iran’s key trade partners—the European Union, China, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Turkey—to examine the robust and positive correlations between the export of parts and machinery to Iran and Iran’s industrial output, as measured by production index data published by the Central Bank of Iran for industrial enterprises with over 100 employees. The period of analysis is 2000 to 2017. It may seem intuitive that the output of Iranian manufacturers depends on the ability of companies to source intermediate goods such as parts and machinery. However, the imposition of sanctions on Iran is shown to have temporarily decoupled the relationship between European industrial exports to Iran and the Iranian industrial production index—the index remained stable even as European exports fell. An analysis of trade data for the other three trade partners included in this study quantitatively substantiates reports noting that in order to sustain the industrial production index, Iran engaged in processes that can be collectively described as “import reflection.” This entails substituting European intermediate inputs with Chinese inputs while also circumventing sanctions pressures on trade by sourcing European inputs via re‐export from the UAE and Turkey. These processes were fundamental to Iran’s economic resilience in the face of multilateral sanctions and have played a central role in Iran’s defense of its industrialized economy and particularly its non‐oil exports as the administration of US President Donald Trump pursues a new unilateral campaign of “maximum pressure” sanctions.  相似文献   

7.
21世纪以来,城市网络研究成为全球和区域城市体系研究关注的焦点,但当前对国家层面城市网络空间结构演变的研究还较少涉及。基于2001—2016年间中国商业银行网点空间分布变化数据,运用社会网络分析方法,对中国城市网络空间结构的时空演变特征进行了研究。研究结果显示:中国城市网络结构由等级化向网络化转变,具体表现为在轴辐结构基础上向连通性更强的链锁网络演进;与此同时,城市网络同时呈现少数城市网络连接度的极化以及多中心扩散的特征。区域层面,东部沿海地区,特别是长三角、京津冀和珠三角三大区域的城市网络发展较为完善,与其它区域的差距持续拉大,但山东、东北和福建等省份与区域内外的联系增长也较快。大多数城市的出度和入度差异明显,但这一差异正在逐渐缩小。  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

The imposition of punitive sanctions against Italy by the League of Nations in November 1935 in response to the invasion of Ethiopia, a fellow league member, provided the fascist regime with an opportunity to mobilize the civilian population into ‘resistance’ against the ‘economic siege’ and to promote its ideals of nationalism, imperialist expansion and autarchy. This article examines the way in which the fascist authorities in Venice, aided by a supportive local press, sought to use the sanctions and ‘sanctions resistance’ to engage Venetians – especially women – in the fascist project and explores the effect of the anti-sanctions resistance measures on Venetians' daily lives. Placing importance both upon the regime's intentions as well as Venetians' reception of the anti-sanctions rhetoric, and drawing upon Michel de Certeau's observations on The Practice of Everyday Life, the article argues that Venetians' reception of such propaganda was characterized above all by confusion and by a multiplicity of personal choices and reactions, spanning a range of possible responses from unequivocal support through passive acceptance or indifference to outright rejection or subversion of the sanctions resistance measures that sought to elicit consent for the fascist project.  相似文献   

9.
皖江城市带空间经济联系的网络特征及优化方向研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
基于社会网络分析的视角,分析了皖江城市带城市空间经济联系的网络特征,提出了其经济联系的优化方向。结果显示:从网络密度看,空间经济联系网络还处于弱联结状态;就点度中心度来说,芜湖的点出度最大,合肥的点入度最大;由接近中心度与中间中心度可知,合肥、芜湖、马鞍山等城市的经济联系最紧密,但网络中还存在不均衡。通过凝聚子群分析得出,网络中存在四个子群,其中芜湖、马鞍山联系最紧密,边缘区城市间经济联系较少。结合皖江城市带空间经济联系的网络特征,从内、外两方面,抽象出其经济联系的优化方向。  相似文献   

10.
    
International sanctions, which commonly seek to engineer target state compliance with human rights norms, often fail to deliver on their objectives. In recent years, however, a fresh approach has emerged through the rise of international justice, which can act as either a complement or an alternative to sanctions. In this article, the authors develop three hypotheses. Political change will be facilitated by: (1) lifting sanctions; (2) guarantees of non-prosecution; or (3) lifting sanctions combined with guarantees of non-prosecution. The authors test the hypotheses on Myanmar, a country that has long been subject to international sanctions, but that has rarely complied with human rights norms. Myanmar is also situated in a region where international justice is currently being applied through prosecution of former Khmer Rouge leaders in Cambodia. The authors’ test was undertaken in June 2010 through a vignette-based expert survey that manipulated international sanctions, international justice and their absence in a 2 x 2 factorial design. The findings point to the need for a consistent approach. Lifting sanctions and guarantees of non-prosecution, when applied in tandem, are thought likely to promote political change. At the other extreme, imposing sanctions and prosecuting state leaders, when done together, are also viewed as facilitators of political change, though support is considerably smaller.  相似文献   

11.
甘肃省城市经济辐射区及其经济协作区研究   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
南平  姚永鹏  张方明 《人文地理》2006,21(2):89-92,98
文章选择了断裂点模型作为定量衡量的方法,应用断裂点公式、场强公式和辐射半径公式,以城市规模和城市距离为起点,计算出断裂点位置及其场强,并选择边界场强计算出了甘肃省14个主要城市的经济辐射半径。依据这一定量化的辐射范围,分析了甘肃省区域内点辐射和线辐射的特点,进而为城市经济协作区的划分、城市化战略以及非均衡发展战略的制定提供了一定的参考。  相似文献   

12.
构建旅游经济效率及旅游网络优势度评价模型,并结合csQCA分析方法,对我国31个省市旅游经济效率、旅游网络优势度水平及其关联组合进行分析,对影响旅游效率、旅游网络优势度以及二者组合的内外部因素进行构型阐述。研究发现:我国旅游经济效率呈现东西高低分化、南北高低相间的空间分布格局,旅游网络优势度表现出明显的多组团形态的板块连片化空间分布格局;市场环境水平、政府支持力度、人力资本水平、交通集散水平、网络信息化水平、区域开放程度等因素,组合形成高旅游经济效率、高旅游网络优势度以及二者协同发展的7种构型驱动模式。  相似文献   

13.
全球与地方的契合:权力与生产网络的二维治理   总被引:5,自引:2,他引:3  
景秀艳  曾刚 《人文地理》2007,22(3):22-27
企业间关键资源的不均衡引致权力关系的不对称,强势企业得以领导以其为核心的企业网络。由于生产环节的组织和地域上的可分割性,居于权力优势地位的领先公司在全球招募企业组成生产网络。全球购买型领先公司通过外包与地方生产网络建立新的关系拓扑,地方生产网络的治理以全球商品链为纽带,嵌入到以领先公司为主导的全球价值链治理体系中。全球生产型领先公司跨境投资时无法将生产网络全盘复制,以其为主导的跨界生产网络的治理需要通过各种权力的博奕和管理上的互动来实现。  相似文献   

14.
Rethinking relational economic geography   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
Recent theoretical and empirical work in economic geography has experienced what might be termed a 'relational turn' that focuses primarily on the ways in which socio-spatial relations of economic actors are intertwined with processes of economic change at various geographical scales. This phenomenon begs the questions of whether the 'relational turn' is simply an explicit reworking of what might be an undercurrent in economic geography during the late 1970s and the 1980s, and whether this 'turn' offers substantial advancement in our theory and practice. In this paper, I aim to evaluate critically the nature and emergence of this relational economic geography by revisiting its antecedents and conceptual frameworks. This evaluation opens up some significant conceptual issues that are further reworked in this paper. In particular, I argue that much of the work in this 'relational turn' is relational only in a thematic sense, focusing on various themes of socio-spatial relations without theorizing sufficiently the nature of relationality and its manifestation through power relations and actor-specific practice. This paper thus illuminates the nature of relationality and the multiple ways through which power works itself out in 'relational geometries', defined as the spatial configurations of heterogeneous power relations. As a preliminary attempt, I first conceptualize different forms of power in such relational geometries and their causal effects in producing concrete/spatial outcomes. I then show how this relational view can offer an alternative understanding of a major research concern in contemporary economic geography – regional development.  相似文献   

15.
    
Alex Demirović 《对极》2011,43(1):38-59
Abstract: In contrast to assertions that the capitalist state is either losing control or that it has returned, this article argues that during the last two decades the state itself has been reshaped. To understand the processes that the capitalist state is exposed to it is necessary to conceive of it as a series of form‐specific practices. Which practices form “the state” is not a result of pre‐given institutions but of conflicts and struggles. The capitalist state, separated as it is from the relations of production, must not be made synonymous with the national state. Only as a result of certain relations of force does bourgeois rule acquire the form of the national state. These relations between classes are currently being dissolved by the ruling classes. The capitalist state is being reorganized and is constructing new elements of a transnational network state, whilst the state itself is governed through new techniques—that is, those of governance.  相似文献   

16.
    
Research on the operation of territorial governance and rural development programmes is dominated by qualitative methodologies, paying little attention heretofore to the characteristics and structures of new horizontal and vertical relationship formations that are the explicit objective of the governance and rural development model. Seeking to address this deficit in the literature, this article adds to a small number of existing contributions that use social network analysis (SNA) to examine the role of inter‐organizational networks in shaping geographic functional regions in the context of governance. Rooted in the methodological perspective of SNA, the analysis focuses on relations between local actors participating in three area‐based rural partnerships in Poland, which are conceptualized as territorially embedded institutional network clusters. The structure of inter‐sectoral relations, understood as interactions (competition, conflict, coordination, cooperation, and control) and flows (information, financial, human, or tangible resources), between the institutional partners of these partnerships is examined. Analysing in detail attributes of network relations, the article identifies structural characteristics of the area‐based partnerships, such as manifestations of how diverse local resources are engaged and how dominance by traditional powerful stakeholders can be overcome by network structures. Structural dynamics and transformations that represent expressions and manifestations of how territorially embedded governance networks are expected to operate are important areas of inquiry in political geography. In this context, the particular empirical and theoretical capacity of SNA is illuminated in this article as part of a broader presentation of primary field data on how network governance and rural development is taking shape in Central and Eastern Europe.  相似文献   

17.
以滇黔桂省际边界区域28个城镇为例,构建城镇中心性评价指标体系,利用改进的熵值法测度各城镇的中心性得分,评价滇黔桂省际边界区域经济空间结构演变,利用修正的引力模型测度了1995年、2004年、2014年3个年份各城镇之间经济联系强度;借助GIS技术手段分析了城镇经济联系强度的空间格局,评价城镇等级体系演化特征;最后利用社会网络分析方法考察了城镇经济空间联系和网络关系的演化规律,得出如下结论:滇黔桂省际边界区域中心城市逐渐形成,经济重心由南向北转移,由右江区单中心逐步发展到兴义市、右江区、文山市三中心,再到兴义市发展成为强中心,平果县与靖西市具备发展为滇黔桂次中心城镇的潜力;城镇间的经济联系总体较弱,区域整体网络密度低,但呈现出不断增强的趋势,低等级城镇对高等级城镇的引力与高等级城镇对低等级城市的引力不同,形成两种不同的城镇网络体系,经济联系紧密地区主要集中在中心城市之间及中心城市与经济强县之间;三角结构的外围经济联系密度明显较低,对于大多数城镇来说,尚不具备经济辐射能力,辐射效应极弱。  相似文献   

18.
The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is a prominent approach to investigate the formation of coalition and their impact on policy outputs. Although the ACF combines both the network structures of a political process with actors' values and belief systems, most empirical tests focus mainly on beliefs rather than network structures. Considering a relational approach makes particular sense when one wants to investigate the structural patterns of a subsystem and to assess coalition formation and maintenance. The author therefore proceeds by taking two steps to study the existence of coalitions, power relations, and policy preferences: first, social network analysis frames the empirical study of network structures, based on the assumption that common beliefs are reflected in relations among actors involved in policy processes. Second, using a sophisticated mathematical algorithm, the multicriteria analysis furnishes a systematic evaluation of the elite's belief system. This methodological combination constitutes the added value of this research and allows for testing to establish if common beliefs are reflected in network structures.  相似文献   

19.
企业网络已成为全球经济运行中主要的组织创新形式。拥有核心能力和关键资源的企业成为网络的发起者和管理者,权力跨越企业边界演变成网络权力。网络权力已成为影响企业投资空间决策的重要因子之一。网络权力对网络成员跨界投资和区位决策的影响力源于其能降低生产成本、维持原供货联结与社会关系、优化投资政策、促进技术创新等。网络权力从某种意义上能转化成成本、政治、社会、市场等优势。全球生产网络的空间转移或扩张往往是由全球领导公司及其所控制下的地方网络领导公司的驱动或影响下形成的,生产型领导公司的网络权力使其在跨界生产扩张中能影响网络成员与其海外子公司毗邻定位,购买型领导公司网络权力能影响地方网络领导公司带动地方网络向成本低地或目标市场转移。  相似文献   

20.
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