冷战与大西洋联盟的变迁

在近半个世纪的冷战中,出于共同的政治军事需要一对抗共产主义意识形态和苏联,美国与欧洲,当时是西欧,结戍了跨大西洋军事政治联盟,北约成为这种同盟关系的标志与纽带。虽时有矛盾与摩擦,但在冷战框架中还不足以动摇两岸的联盟关系。冷战的结束使这种同盟关系失去了赖以存在的最坚实的军事政治基础,因而也必然使大西洋联盟的延续受到质疑。然而,后冷战时期依然存在的共同的战略利益使继续保持传统的大西洋联盟成为双方的战略共识,合作构成美欧关系的主导方向。不过,这种同盟的战略目标,双方合作的领域与地域以及在联盟关系中的相互位置都与冷战时期有所不同。     

美加联盟中的政治与经济利益博弈——以加拿大对华粮食贸易为核心的考察

20世纪50年代末60年代初,面对中国发生的粮食紧缺问题,作为美国冷战盟友的加拿大开始采取自主行动,主动与中国开展粮食贸易。此时美国仍对中国进行政治孤立和经济封锁,加拿大的行为无疑与美国的冷战遏制战略相冲突,美国与加拿大的博弈由此开启。美加双方具有不同的利益诉求,加拿大希望扩大粮食销售市场,解决国内粮食过剩的问题,而美国更看重冷战联盟,并着眼于维护冷战联盟内部的团结,为此在不涉及美国核心利益的问题上向加拿大做出一定的让步。美国与加拿大之间的博弈反映了作为联盟主导者的美国开展联盟管理的困境,也体现了联盟政治与经济利益之间的张力。     

美日军事同盟的历史渊源

二战以后,日本是美国亚太战略的支点,而日本国家安全战略的原点是对美结盟。二战中,倾举国之力一战的两个国家,在战后迅速形成了军事同盟,其中既有美国日本对各自国家利益的追求也有风云变幻的国际局势的左右,更有两国文化传统在特殊时间段里体现的契合作用。如何看待美日军事同盟的历史渊源,从而通过对历史演变的梳理认识当下的美日军事关系和判断美日军事同盟的走向具有非常重要的意义。     

二十一世纪以来对艾森豪威尔时期驻韩美军问题研究综述

朝鲜半岛与中国唇齿相依,与日本列岛隔海相望,与俄罗斯山水相连,地理位置上有重要的战略价值;美韩同盟是美国亚太战略重要组成部分;驻韩美军是维系美韩同盟的纽带。因为朝鲜半岛问题重要的学术价值和现实意义,使很多研究冷战史的学者更加关注这一地区问题的研究,对现有国内外研究成果进行梳理和分析,有利于未来对驻韩美军问题进行进一步深入的探索。     

美国与新西兰联盟的裂痕

美国与新西兰的联盟关系经历了从依附到疏离两个阶段。美新联盟出现裂痕是美国亚太联盟中的一个引人注目的事件,其中核战略分歧成为双方分歧的直接原因。新西兰工党政府提出的核武器无用论及核武器不道德论代表了一些中小国家坚定的反核立场和构建无核区的强烈愿望。虽然美新联盟出现了裂痕,新西兰并没有退出澳新美同盟,但对于澳新美三边联盟的影响还是明显的。毕竟,美新之间安全合作的程度因此而降低了。     

美国对印度第一个五年国防计划的援助和限制(1962—1965)北大核心

1962年中印边界发生冲突,为美国与印度形成遏制中国的战略共识及较为密切的军事关系提供了契机。印度尼赫鲁政府对国防政策进行全面反思与整顿,制定出以中国为主要军事防范对象的长期国防计划,并寻求美国和苏联等大国对其国防建设的支持。出于拉拢印度、遏制中国的冷战目标,约翰逊政府延续肯尼迪时期的基本政策,继续向印度提供较大规模的军事援助,不仅以此为筹码要求印度修改国防计划,而且试图索要更多的政治回报。围绕对“中国威胁”的判断和应对方式、国防建设的目标和手段等诸多核心问题,美印存在明显分歧。这些分歧反映的是美国在亚洲遏制中国的冷战目标与印度加快军事现代化进程的国家利益之间的抵牾,决定了美印关系发展的限度。无论是冷战时期还是今天,遏制中国的战略共识虽然能促成美印关系迅速升温,但不足以弥合二者国家利益的根本差异。     

近年来国内关于美国对华经济遏制史研究述评

美国对华经济遏制史是亚洲冷战史的一个重要组成部分,它从经济角度解读冷战时期美国如何对社会主义中国进行遏制以配合美国亚洲冷战战略,从而服务于其全球冷战战略。相对于亚洲冷战史中的政治对抗、军事对峙、意识形态对立等问题的研究而言,我国国内对冷战史中关于美国对华经济遏制战略制定及实施的研究则起步较晚。随着改革开放和中国学逐渐走出国门,我国学在利用20世纪90年代美国国内新解密的件和西方学术界已有的研究成果的基础之上,在最近10年内取得了相当多的成果。     

评美国亚太“再平衡”战略

奥巴马政府为分享亚洲经济增长红利,维持亚太地区势力均衡,服务于维护美国亚太和全球领导地位的总体目标,实施了亚太"再平衡"战略。在实施过程中,奥巴马政府对"再平衡"进行了四个方面的调整:从侧重军事转向侧重经济;从接受"中美新型大国关系"的表述到随后反应消极;在区域内进行从亚太到"印太"的再平衡;在全球战略中从关注亚太到回望中东。美国实施"再平衡"战略的主要措施包括:强化亚太核心同盟关系,深化亚太军事布局;深化同亚太新兴国家的双边关系;增加对地区多边机构的外交投入;主导并推进《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》的谈判等。本文利用数据统计和文本分析审视了中国和亚太在奥巴马政府全球战略中的地位,认为"亚太再平衡"言过其实,实际进展远未达到其倡导者的预期。奥巴马时期美国全球战略的主要关注点和外交重点仍停留在中东和欧洲,亚太排在其后。美国的"再平衡"战略对中国造成了一定的战略压力,也给亚太总体形势带来了一些负面影响;但也应看到"再平衡"的两面性、局限性及其面临的障碍,不应夸大其作用和对中国的挑战。目前来看,尽管美国新总统特朗普的战略思想和内外政策存在不确定性,中东和欧洲等地区的问题也会继续牵扯美国大量精力,但随着亚太地区本身重要性的上升,特别是中国国力和影响力的持续增长,特朗普政府有可能继续将其战略重点向亚太地区转移。虽然"再平衡"战略的口号及其中的某些内容已被特朗普政府放弃,但可能会以其他形式继续付诸实施。     

从双边到三角——冷战结束前后中美印关系的变化浅析

美中印都是对亚太事务有着重要影响的大国。冷战时期,美国的冷战结盟政策成为影响中美印间关系的主要因素。冷战结束后,随着亚太战略形势的变化,中美印渐形成了三角互动关系。三国间如何互动,将在很大程度上影响该地区的和平与稳定。     

美韩同盟与1954年日内瓦会议

1954年日内瓦会议的议题之一是朝鲜问题。在日内瓦会议之前和期间,美韩两国就韩国赴会、朝鲜统一等问题展开交涉,而美国为维护美韩同盟关系,不断向韩国提出的条件做出妥协让步。印支局势的恶化改变了朝鲜问题谈判的节奏,美韩在会议上的协调使美国态度走向强硬,成为导致会议无果而终的重要原因之一。美韩之间围绕日内瓦会议的互动为认识冷战时期阵营内部关系与两极国际格局的分化对立提供了一个历史断面。     

The China factor in US alliances in East Asia and the Asia Pacific 1

Any discussion of the United States' alliances in East Asia and the Pacific should include an understanding of the role that China plays in regional security in general, and the influence of such a role on the alliance system in particular. The 'China factor' in the contemporary US alliance system can be understood by asking the following questions: (1) what are China's perceptions of and concerns regarding the US alliance system as a whole and regarding specific bilateral military alliances of the US?; (2) where does China figure in the American post-Cold War worldview, and what role does the United States itself see its alliances playing in relation to China?; (3) to what extent are the current bilateral alliances of the US directed against China, in the view of US allies; and (4) how might the reshaping of the international security environ ment following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States affect China's perceptions and attitudes towards future alliance developments?     

Underplaying the ‘Okinawa card’: how Japan negotiates its alliance with the United States

The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US–Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this ‘Okinawa card’ when negotiating alliance issues with the USA? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment.     

Strategic Alliances in Action: Toward a Theory of Evolution

The popularity and prevalence of strategic alliances for problem solving has been well documented in research on the corporate sector and public policy. However, there has been limited work to date on building a comprehensive theory about the evolutionary process of alliances. The purpose of this article is to synthesize current research on alliance development in order to develop a model of strategic alliance evolution. The theoretical model is built with ideas from prior research as well as findings from our own recent research on alliances in education. We conducted a national study of strategic alliances in charter schools focused on uncovering the process of evolution—including how alliances are initiated, operated, and evaluated—and the various internal and external factors that influence alliance development and progress. Our findings offer a model of strategic alliance evolution and provide direction for future research.     

日本对外结盟视野中的中国

从20世纪初直至21世纪初的今天,日本长期对外结盟,历经日英、日俄、日德、日美同盟。在日本近百余年的结盟历程中,其结盟视野一直高度关注中国,中国往往被视为同盟构建前的牺牲品、同盟建立后的胜利品或者同盟的对抗对象,这对中国产生了巨大而深远的影响。面对日本对外结盟的长期性,中国崛起的现时性,中国应走出以结盟对抗结盟的困境,谋求从被动回应到积极面对,以参与机制来化解同盟机制,以实力促合作谋和谐。     

The informal diplomacy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue

After 20 years, the Australian American Leadership Dialogue has acquired enviable access to political leaders in the foreign policy establishments of both countries. The influence of the Dialogue is at earlier consensus-building stages of decision making. Its importance has been in ‘relationship maintenance’ of the bilateral alliance which it has pursued through processes of informal diplomacy. The Dialogue now faces its own challenges of organisational renewal and relevance in the wider ‘interpretative community’ of Australian think tanks, university policy institutes and opinion-formers.     

基于核心资源视角的古城镇家庭旅馆竞合模型研究——以信任、战略联盟为中介变量

本文通过对凤凰古城117家家庭旅馆的实证研究,发现家庭旅馆的核心资源通过信任、战略联盟对竞合关系产生综效,其中物质核心资源的作用仅限于促成结盟,社会核心资源进一步影响竞合关系的结构及竞合形态的转换。进一步比较信任、战略联盟在模型中的价值和中介作用,结果显示目前家庭旅馆的竞合行为还处于初级阶段,经营者对竞合关系的选择较大程度上依赖于人际互信。     

United States reactions to empire,colonialism, and cold war in Black Africa, 1949–57

United States interest in and involvement with Black Africa under colonial rule began in the immediate years following the Second World War when Africa was seen primarily as an adjunct to European recovery with economic requirements predominating. When the continent assumed political importance for American Cold War policy, Washington began to grapple with the dilemma of winning African support and preserving the alliance with European colonial powers. The African dimension was seen as having future significance in the Cold War while the Atlantic alliance served present Cold and hot war planning needs. After a brief attempt to portray colonialism in a positive Cold War light and develop a more independent policy, Washington reverted to working with the colonial powers towards implementing the common goals of self-government. It was defined in the latter part of the first Eisenhower administration as providing the best political compromise in the Cold War while offering the prospect of mutually profitable relations with dependent African countries.     

Storytelling and co-authorship in feminist alliance work: reflections from a journey

If all writing is fundamentally tied to the production of meanings and texts, then feminist research that blurs the borders of academia and activism is necessarily about the labor and politics of mobilizing experience for particular ends. Co-authoring stories is a chief tool by which feminists working in alliances across borders mobilize experience to write against relations of power that produce social violence, and to imagine and enact their own visions and ethics of social change. Such work demands a serious engagement with the complexities of identity, representation, and political imagination as well as a rethinking of the assumptions and possibilities associated with engagement and expertise. This article draws upon 16 years of partnership with activists in India and with academic co-authors in the USA to reflect on how storytelling across social, geographical, and institutional borders can enhance critical engagement with questions of violence and struggles for social change, while also troubling dominant discourses and methodologies inside and outside of the academy. In offering five ‘truths’ about co-authoring stories through alliance work, it reflects on the labor process, assumptions, possibilities, and risks associated with co-authorship as a tool for mobilizing intellectual spaces in which stories from multiple locations in an alliance can speak with one another and evolve into more nuanced critical interventions.     

Patriot Graves: American national identity and the Civil War dead

The Civil War was America’s defining conflict, the war that made the nation and the fulcrum for the development of American national identity in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Yet the role that the Civil War dead played in this process has only begun to be explored. Although the monuments raised to honor the dead, along with the battlefields on which they fought, attract considerable interest, the cemeteries constructed to inter them have been integrated into the landscape – literal and figurative – of the American nation so fully that the need they answered, the manner of their development, the form they took, and their longer‐term symbolic message has been relatively neglected. Yet the Civil War dead were a crucial – indeed, the crucial – component in the construction of American national identity. Although scholars interpret American attitudes toward the Civil War dead within the context of the mourning rituals of the antebellum era, the war required, and produced, a different approach to death, for which antebellum precedent had ill‐prepared Americans. Removed from its antebellum religious and societal framework, death in the Civil War acquired a new and more potent national meaning that not only validated American nationalism through warfare, but anticipated the response to fallen soldiers in future European conflicts.     

Institutions,informality, and influence: explaining nuclear cooperation in the Australia-US alliance

ABSTRACT

Nuclear cooperation has been a consistent feature of the Australia-US alliance. In the 1950s and 1960s, Canberra explored transferring US nuclear weapons to Australian forces operating in Southeast Asia. Since the 1960s, Australian governments have supported hosting joint facilities that contribute to America’s ability to execute global nuclear operations. And Australia has regularly invoked the nuclear umbrella as part of the alliance. We explain the key sources of nuclear cooperation in the alliance by leveraging realist and institutionalist theories of alliance cooperation. While realism explains limits to US nuclear commitments in the 1950s, institutional explanations are more relevant in pinpointing the sources of nuclear cooperation and in explaining why Australia has often achieved its policy preferences as the junior partner.