相扑——日本的国技

两个体格壮硕的男子,在土台子上光着身体相互冲撞,浑身的肉都在颤动,皮肤几乎没有体毛,如同两只凶猛的犀牛在展开一场生死搏斗,这就是日本的相扑。它不像拳击和摔跤,没有体重的限制,相扑手只要把对手推出擂台圈之外,或使对手身体（除脚以外）任何一处着地,就算胜利,每一回合基本上在数分钟内决出胜负。     

宋代的相扑运动

今天在日本很流行的相扑运动,其实源自中国。传说相扑的起源很早,可以上溯先秦,大约在唐代时传人日本。唐、宋之际,民间文体活动广泛开展。其中,相扑运动日益受到宋人的重视和喜爱。     

刚忍并容说相扑

身着“丁字兜布”的两个庞然大物近乎全裸地赫然立在不大的圆形“土俵”里,发髻高高地盘在头上,他们缠抱推搡,猛烈相撞,蹲踞、摇晃、扑抓、摔打角逐,不时发出“嗨——哈,嗨-哈！”     

相扑力士的盛宴

在日本,相扑运动被奉为“国技”,深受大众欢迎,相扑运动员也有着非常高的社会地位。前几年,日本邮政就启用了蒙古出生的相扑冠军朝青龙作为广告代言人,这让看惯了用俊男美女来做形象代言人的观众多少觉得不可思议。不仅如此,日本有很多影视界的美女梦想着嫁给这些臃肿肥胖的运动员作为自己的终生伴侣。     

唐代相扑俑

相扑,古称角抵、角力,即今摔跤运动的一种。是一项有着悠久历史的传统体育项目,在中国古代几千年的历史中,这一活动形式既是军事训练的重要内容,又是社会上的一种娱乐和竞技项目。随着历史的发展和中外文化的广泛交流,这类极具竞技特色的中华古代传统运动形式,还不断的流传国外,成为深具影响的具有民族风格的体育运动项目。     

先秦至唐五代角抵与相扑名实考辩——兼论敦煌壁画、文献中的相扑文化

采用文献资料法等对先秦至唐五代时期史料中有关角力、角抵、相扑、弁、卞、手搏等称谓进行遍检,并以列表形式辑录整理。研究发现:角力以徒手较力为特征;角抵在秦朝与角力涵义类同,姑且称之为狭义的角抵;在西汉以后,角抵内涵和外延有所拓展,逐渐演变为角抵戏;魏晋以后搏斗技艺与防身技术的倾向性在角抵中又占据主导地位。着装的不同是角抵和相扑之间很重要的区分特征;敦煌壁画和文献中的相扑文化呈现明显的娱乐特征,并成为佛教世俗活动的重要组成。     

中国古代的女子相扑

嘉佑年间（1056—1063）,正月十八日上元节,宋仁宗到宣德门观看百戏,其中有一节目,即“妇人裸体相扑”,因表演很出色,受到了皇帝的嘉赏。     

日本“三宝”艺妓、相扑、纪尹山地——日本如何对待遗产

如果说“尚武又爱美,蛮横又文雅”是日本民族性格和文化特征的抽象概括,那么艺妓和相扑则无疑是与之对应的最生动的写照。这一静一动,恰恰代表了日本民族性格中矛盾复杂的两极。而被列入《世界遗产名录》的纪伊山地则是日本人的灵魂归宿,是日本佛教和本土宗教融合发展的圣地。在秀丽而神秘的风光掩映下,纪伊山地召唤着无数信仰神灵的日本人前来顶礼膜拜。 通过日本“三宝”——艺妓、相扑、纪伊山地,我们可以另辟蹊径,触摸到日本文化中那些隐秘和核心的部分。     

浅谈比赛与体育技能的结合

学生进入高中阶段后,运动能力和技术水平有了较大的提高,能开展一定的体育锻炼和活动。教学中继续采用教师教学生学的形式,既单调又枯燥,容易产生厌恶心理。学生学习新的技术动作和锻炼方法的兴趣不浓,给体育教学和组织带来了一定的困难。     

Wrestling women: Caste and neoliberalism in rural Haryana

In the 2016 blockbuster film Dangal, a young wrestler by the name of Geeta Phogat is taken by her father to Rohtak, in the western Indian state of Haryana, to participate in her first wrestling match. He is ridiculed for attempting to enroll his daughter into the hyper male domain and sent on his way. But the organizers soon relent when they see the potential for a salacious scandal of a girl fighting a boy. The scene establishes rural Haryana as a space of hyper misogyny and public space dominated by men who enjoy crude entertainment. But when the young Geeta takes on the toughest of contestants and defeats him, the victory symbolizes something larger – vindication against routine humiliation girls are made to feel. The year 2016 brought unprecedented publicity to women wrestlers in India. Sakshi Malik won the Bronze medal in wrestling for India at the Rio Olympics, and film audiences were treated to two blockbuster films on women wrestlers from Haryana. In this essay, I suggest that the celebratory story of wrestling women both elides and is made possible by Haryana’s, and the larger Indian state’s, neoliberal agenda. I argue that neoliberalism is able to accommodate the contradictions of Haryana’s skewed sex ratio while at the same time produce and celebrate successful women athletes. Second, the story of wrestling women cannot be understood without caste as a fundamentally structuring dimension of success. I make these arguments at three different scales – body and household, village and district, the state.     

Wrestling with the integrity of a nation: the disputed internal boundaries in Iraq

The disputed internal boundaries in northern Iraq between the Kurds and the Arabs have been a persistent fault‐line in the state's history and have rapidly emerged as a core dispute since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The Kurds underwrote, more than any other constituency, the democratic project in the new Iraq and contrived an ambitious constitutional route through Article 140 to place Kirkuk and other disputed areas under the administration of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) by December 2007. Article 140 was designed to resolve the issue in the Kurds favour once and for all, to circumvent yet another tedious negotiation round with the Arabs and to quarantine the Kurdish project from regional interference, particularly Turkey. On all three counts the strategy failed. This is primarily because of the complexity of the issue but there is also evidence of internal Kurdish discord with the strategy concerning the restoration of Kirkuk governorate's boundaries. The years 2007–2008 were a watershed for Kurdish designs to incorporate Kirkuk through a constitutional process and since then the disputed boundaries question has been left in a state of suspended animation. However, if a negotiating framework were to emerge the contours of a ‘deal’ have begun to crystallize and there is scope to move from management of the issue to resolution. Answers to the questions of when and how will depend on the shape of the complete package, the new government constellation and the extent that Turkey and Iran reveal themselves in the political marketplace.     

活泼有趣的北魏“孩童摔跤游戏瓦当“

2006年元月,在全国第三次文物普查的试点工作初步开展之际,我们在呼和浩特市和林格尔县文管所拍照文物时,一件馆藏的“孩童摔跤游戏瓦当”引起了我们的兴致(图一,1)。1988年,瓦当出土于全国重点文物保护单位和林格尔土城子中区(俗称皇城)的北魏时期的冲积断层中,圆形,灰色陶质,直径13厘米。虽已残损,但图案仍然较为完整。瓦当的周边,外侧为缠枝纹,内侧为连珠纹,中间部位底纹为网格纹,正中间用浮雕方式塑有两个胖乎乎的儿童,他们正在进行摔跤游戏。其中,右侧的胖孩儿用力把左边的小孩的头抱住向下压,而左边被压的孩儿则弯腰抱住对方的一条腿,…     

日本的寿司

寿司是一种带菜码的米饭团,是一种最具有代表性的日本民族料理,它是米饭、鱼、醋巧妙组合的结晶。两千多年前,寿司曾经用中国的汉字“艏”、“鱼乍”表示过,但当时这两个汉字的意思有所不同。“艏”最初出自公元前5至公元前3世纪的《尔雅》字典里,指腌咸的鱼贝、肉类食品,尤其指腌咸的鱼;“鱼乍”最早出现在两千多年前《说文解字》字典里,指把米饭、鱼、盐放在一起,经腌制发酵后,产生一种酸味的鱼,是（熟）寿司的意思。现在日本滋贺县的寿司被称为“鲜”,     

日伪统治下的日语教育

抗战全面爆发后,日本侵略先后占领了中国华北、华东、华中、华南等广大地区,并扶持傀儡政权。为配合其对华战争形势的需要,铲除沦陷区人民强烈的抗日意识,消灭中国人民的民族意识,日伪当局在沦陷区实施奴化教育,采取强制方式,大力推行日语教育,以在广大民众中培养亲日分子和亲日情愫。本以日伪统治下的华东华中华南地区为中心,探讨伪维新政府和汪伪国民政府实施日语教育的状况,揭示其奴化教育的实质。