Engaging China’s new foreign policy in the South Pacific

China’s declared foreign policy of ‘non-interference’ is contradicted by its actions in recent times. Beyond activities in the East and South China Seas, the involvement of China in negotiations on the Korean Peninsula, the evacuation of Chinese citizens from various crises, and the deployment of Chinese combat troops to peacekeeping missions in Africa have indicated China’s growing interests in the shape of world affairs, coinciding with a growing economic and military capacity to influence them. Much attention has been given to the potential consequences of great-power competition between the USA and China, but little focus has been given to the impact these trends may have in the outlying regions of Chinese foreign policy. One such place is Melanesia in the South Pacific—a subregion where a small influence from a Chinese perspective can have a significant impact on Pacific Island Countries. This article postulates that, over time, there is potential for the consequences of Chinese interests to lead to accidental friction, and suggests that this risk can be mitigated through increased cooperation.     

Chinese Aid in the South Pacific: Linked to Resources?

Abstract

China’s emergence as a global development actor has implications for developing countries and “traditional” donor agencies. Its current provision of foreign aid and other forms of development assistance to developing countries throughout the world presents both opportunities and challenges for all actors. At the same time, China’s growing need for natural resources and its policy of securing access through state-led “resource diplomacy” are causing concern. While most scholars and commentators are focused on the “China in Africa” dimension, China’s engagement in the South Pacific region has also been growing rapidly over the past decade and offers some interesting and unique insights. This article examines the dynamics of China’s provision of foreign aid and its quest for natural resources in the South Pacific region, with comparative references to other regions. Drawing particularly upon interviews and site visits in Fiji and Papua New Guinea, it argues that although major commercial resource contracts do appear to be supported by Chinese Government assistance, resources deals are not explicitly part of Chinese foreign aid in the region.     

Pacific Island history at the Australian national university: The place and the people ∗

Abstract

This article describes the context in which Pacific Island history developed at ANU. It suggests ways in which its agenda and methods were influenced by its loction in the Australian capital in 1946, by a budget which expanded until 1975 and has contracted ever since, and by ANU's evolving management structures. The Department of Pacific History expanded to include Southeast Asia, and (in 1991) merged into a Division of Pacific and Asian History, reflecting altered priorities. The original intimacy fostered collegiality between Fellows and Scholars, which has largely survived the growth of the School and the elaboration of procedures. The article describes the resources which have been created, and the non‐print media which many scholars pioneered. It ends by surveying the diverse backgrounds and later careers of its scholars.     

Terrorism in the South Pacific? Thinking critically about approaches to security in the region

‘Not only is the Pacific a potential base for terrorist activities, but if we are not vigilant this is exactly what will happen’. This is the impression one gets from much of the recent academic and policy literature in Australia and New Zealand. However, while there is a need for Pacific Island states to be able to counter terrorist threats, there are very real problems which may result from recent moves to portray the South Pacific as a possible terrorist haven. In addressing issues such as the possible ‘over-securitisation’ of the region, in this article we argue that contemporary threat perceptions must be balanced with constant reassessments of the positive and negative ramifications of painting the region in this light. All local authorities must emphasise a law enforcement approach to countering terrorism. Most emphatically, however, cooperation with (not coercion against) other countries must remain the paramount consideration in any and every effort to combat this phenomenon within the region.     

Succession of government in the post‐colonial states of the South Pacific: New support for constitutionalism?

The mechanisms for changing governments in the post‐colonial states of the South Pacific constitute a unique variant of the Westminster mechanisms earlier adopted in the Dominions and in the ex‐British colonies of Africa, Asia and the Caribbean. This is so to the point where we can speak of a ‘South Pacific model of succession’. In this model, the power to appoint governments is given to parliament, the head of state has no discretionary role on questions of succession, and the convention that a Prime Minister should resign following the passing of a no‐confidence motion is encoded. In contrast to the experience of most other post‐colonial societies, these constitutional mechanisms have actually governed the way in which power has changed hands. Force has not been used either to remove or entrench a government. Central to an explanation of this experience is that no significantly sized group within these states has felt itself to be fully excluded from the possibility of gaining government or from having some representatives of their interests in power. This, however, may not be the case in the future as many of the factors currently contributing to the legitimacy of constitutional succession of government are undergoing rapid change.