The Marcoses and authoritarian rule in the Philippines

Filemon C. Rodriguez, The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation, New York, Vantage Press, 1985, pp.285 (reprinted by Moed Press, Quezon City, 1986. Pesos 130.00, paper).

Charles C. McDougald, The Marcos File: Was he a Philippine Hero or a Corrupt Tyrant? San Francisco, San Francisco Publishers, 1987, pp.345. $14.95 (paper).

Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: the Marcoses and the Making of American Policy, London, Macmillan, 1987, pp.533. $39.95 (cloth).

Belinda A. Aquino, Politics of Plunder: the Philippines under Marcos, Quezon City, Great Books Trading and University of the Philippines College of Public Administration, 1987, pp.208. Pesos 100.00 (paper).

Lewis E. Gleeck, President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture, Manila, Loyal Printing, 1987, pp. 280. US$20.00 (paper).     

The Micropolitics of Indigenous Environmental Movements in the Philippines

Indigenous movements face what Stuart Kirsch has called the ‘risks of counterglobalization’, which can distort their objectives into an all‐or‐nothing position with respect to development. In this contribution, I explore a case from the Philippines, where a movement originally conceived in terms of indigenous rights grew to include a more diverse mix of constituents and claims. This trajectory has made the movement vulnerable to charges of inauthenticity, particularly since the corporation it opposes has sponsored a parallel indigenous group and fashioned itself as the noble custodian of a threatened marine ecosystem. Nevertheless, the movement's constituents do not evaluate their activities exclusively in terms of its formal objectives or identity politics. For them, organized protest is entangled with the ‘serious games’ of everyday life, including, for example, local elections, struggles to achieve upward social mobility and efforts to redefine ethnic identity. As a result, some constituents see their involvement primarily as a claim to socioeconomic parity and others as a pursuit of the exceptional rights that indigeneity confers. Without attention to such local‐level variation, we risk obscuring some of the most important motives and outcomes of indigenous movements — and, as a result, we may overlook the alternative visions of socio‐environmental justice that emerge from their day‐to‐day struggles for livelihood, dignity and empowerment.     

困境中的菲律宾科迪勒拉水稻梯田

世界文化遗产菲律宾科迪勒拉水稻梯田位于菲律宾吕宋岛科迪勒拉山脉沿线的伊富高省,由分布在4个市的5个梯田群组成,分别为基安干市（Kiangan）的Nagacadan梯田群、洪都安市（Hungdun）梯田群、梅奥瑶市（Mayoyao）梯田群以及巴纳维市（Banaue）的Bangaan和Batad梯田群组成。     

The politics of decentralizing national parks management in the Philippines

International donors and state bureaucrats in the developing world have promoted decentralization reform as the primary means to achieve equitable, efficient and sustainable natural resource management. Relatively few studies, however, consider the power interests at stake. Why do state agencies decentralize power, what political patterns unfold, and how do outcomes affect the responses of resource users? This paper explores decentralization reform by investigating the political processes behind the Philippine state's decisions to transfer authority over national parks management to local government units. Drawing on a case of devolved management at Puerto Princesa Subterranean River National Park, Palawan Island, we examine how political motives situated at different institutional scales affect the broader process of decentralization, the structure of management institutions, and overall livelihood security. We demonstrate how power struggles between the Philippine state and City Government of Palawan over the right to manage the national park have impacted the livelihood support offered by community-based conservation. We conclude that decentralization may offer empowering results when upper-level policies and political networks tie into sufficiently organized institutions at the local level.     

菲律宾女人--柔韧肩膀的担当

菲律宾女人柔情似水, 然而,她们并非尽是软弱, 困为菲律宾女人担当起的 不仅仅是道义,还有危机和 苦难,当然还有创造, 甚至整个国家的政治生命 和经济命脉.在她们中间, 有芳草般洒落在天涯海角的 女佣,有无时不在每个人 身后的母亲,还有大权在握、 叱咤风云的女总统.     

Elites in Local Development in the Philippines

For many Philippine provinces, decentralization and more autonomous local development planning did not lead to the desired outcomes. This article examines the experiences of the two provinces of Cebu and Leyte. While Cebu became a centre of trade and industry, Leyte is still struggling with its local economy oriented to natural resources. A main reason for the divergent development paths of the two islands can be found in the emergence of different elite structures, which resulted in different path‐dependent patterns of economic specialization. Despite this different historical experience, both provinces today suffer from similar institutional infirmities in their planning system for promoting local development. Local planning capacity constraints, such as regional and local co‐ordination and co‐operation patterns, local finances, human capital and knowledge are analysed. The Cebuano elites used the room for manoeuvre provided by decentralization reforms more successfully than elites in Leyte. This created pockets of efficiency in Cebu leading to more development‐friendly investment policies. In order to increase local and regional planning capacity, short‐term interventions and policy reforms at the local, regional and national level are discussed.     

The evolution of the geography of religious adherence in the Philippines before 1898

The introduction and acceptance of exotic religious institutions and identities greatly influenced the process of national development in the Philippines. The agents of Islam, largely unsupported by outside forces, were initially active in many parts of the archipelago after about the thirteenth century. Roman Catholic missionaries, arriving 200 years later but supported by an elaborate colonial edifice, introduced their faith through an expanding network of fixed mission centres. Distinctive and sometimes intricate geographies resulted from differing social and geographical strategies of conversion. The most general result was the division of Philippine societies into the Christian lowlands of Luzon; the central islands and northern Mindanao; the several Muslim areas of western Mindanao and Sulu; and the persisting local ethnic religious systems of the highlands.     

Immunization and hygiene in the colonial Philippines

Vaccination and the enforcement of stipulations of personal hygiene can be viewed as different mechanisms of colonial government. Immunization campaigns reach and register populations, but they may also appear to obviate the need for behavioral reform. Hygiene education implies the development of a disciplined, self-governing citizenry, although in the colonial setting validation of such attainment is usually deferred. This article explores the tension between mechanisms of security (immunization) and drill (hygiene) in the Philippines, under the United States' colonial regime, in the early twentieth century.     

食艺菲律宾——从咖啡中了解菲律宾

喝着Travel Cafe里山猫“过滤”后的咖啡,品尝到现代菲律宾的滋味; 住着马尼拉索菲特菲律宾广场酒店的套房;欣赏到现代菲律宾人的爱情。 马尼拉市郊Angahro颇具名望的家旗艺术家,描绘出菲律宾艺术生活的全貌。     

The Potential of e-Learning to Address the Needs of Out-of-School Youth in the Philippines

This paper reports on the findings of focus group discussions designed to explore the learning and skills-based needs of out-of-school youth in the Philippines, particularly addressing their reasons for leaving school, their current activities and employment, how they acquire skills and knowledge, what they want to learn about, their use of Information and Communication Technologies, and their future employment plans. It was undertaken in the context of the development of a programme of e-learning through ICT Centres to be delivered in support of the country's 5 million out-of-school youth.     

The Sino-centric Capital Export Regime: State-backed and Flexible Capital in the Philippines

There is an ongoing debate as to whether Chinese capital can be described as developmental. While some argue that Chinese capital is simply a tool of the Chinese state to exploit the global South, others claim that Chinese capital opens new development opportunities. Rather than advancing a framework based upon either an exploitative or an egalitarian mode of development, this article argues that China's current crisis of overaccumulation has led to a so-called Sino-centric capital export regime, which sends out two types of capital to the global South. First, state-backed capital imposes a development model by modifying ‘local orders’, attempting to make host states legible by creating maps of peoples and terrains that surround China. These maps aim to improve China's ability to manage inter-state disputes. Second, flexible capital is interested in extricating itself from the conditions imposed on it in China. By moving into the global South, flexible capital breaks through the barriers placed by the Chinese state. As a by-product of this quest for extrication, flexible capital can generate new venues of accumulation and novel ways of organizing production. This article demonstrates these two types of capital using examples from Rodrigo Duterte's Philippines — the Kaliwa Dam project and online gambling — drawing on original field research and a newly generated dataset.