The Rambouillet Conference on Kosovo

The Rambouillet process sought to re-establish autonomous governance andhuman rights for Kosovo, under the protection of the international community. However, the Kosovo authorities had committed themselves to outright independence while the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consistently rejected any international interest in the affairs of Kosovo, which it considered an entirely domestic matter. To reconcile these irreconcilable views, an initial attempt was made to establish self-governance for Kosovo for an interim period, without touching upon the issue of the status of that territory.
As the Rambouillet conference progressed, the Contact Group moved significantly towards the FRY/Serb demand of expressly confirming its continued sovereignty and territorial integrity over Kosovo. While this and other concessions did not help to engage the FRY in the negotiating process, itjeopardized the acceptance of the agreement by Kosovo. The negotiations werebacked by the threat of the use of force, which could only be innovatively justified by reference to the doctrine of humanitarian intervention, inasmuch as there existed no formal Security Council mandate. However, the credibility of that threat was initially undermined by splits within the Contact Group during the actual negotiations, which also extended to implementation of the agreementupon acceptance by NATO. Moreover, the negotiations were hampered by thefact that one of the three principal international negotiators openly sided withone of the parties and essentially represented it. Encouraged by these divisions, Belgrade manoeuvred itself into a position of direct confrontation with NATO, which could now genuinely argue that the grave humanitarian emergency in Kosovo could only be addressed through acceptance of the Rambouilletaccord by Yugoslavia, even if sustained military attacks were required to achieve that end.     

1956年的知识分子问题会议

(一)会议的筹备 1955年下半年,我国农业、手工业和资本主义工商业的社会主义改造进入高潮。随着社会主义改造任务的提前完成,我国将进入大规模的经济建设时期,因而科学技术和知识分子的作用也就日显重     

美国与亚非会议

1955年的亚非会议,是亚非历史上有重大意义的一次会议。用美国自己的档案件,看看它对这一会议以及对中国代表团的态度和反应,也许会启发人们的思索。     

The Cortland Conference on Political History

Abstract. The 1851 Census of Religious Worship contains an excess of "round" numbers reported for congregation sizes, which indicates that estimates (as opposed to exact head counts) were often returned. The authors estimate the proportion of rounded estimates returned by the Church of England and the dissenting denominations. They develop a structural equation model to estimate for the mean degree of inflation (i. e., overstimation) that resulted from rounding. Anglican figures were most likely inflated by approximately 11 percent, whereas the corresponding figure for dissent was approximately 5.5 percent. The authors examine what sort of counting behavior could have led to such margins of inflation, and why denominational differences exist.     

The Second Interagency Conference on Population Geography

A theory that areal variations in economic development in the USSR (analyzed at the oblast level for most republics) depend on regional economic structure, economic policy, cultural factors, and the center-periphery dichotomy is tested via simple regression analysis, using retail sales per capita as the indicator of economic level. The independent variables are: share of urban population (for economic structure), investments (for economic policy), percentage of Moslem population (for the cultural factor), and distance from Moscow (for the periphery effect). All of these variables except distance were significant in explaining the real variation in retail sales per capita.     

第13届全国史学理论研讨会综述

2006年11月5日至7日,第13届全国史学理论研讨会在美丽的西子湖畔召开。这次会议由中国社会科学院史学理论研究中心、中国史学会史学理论研究分会、中国社会科学院《史学理论研究》编辑部和史学理论重点学科、浙江大学历史系及浙江省历史学会联合主办。来自全国的近五十位史学理论工作者参加了此次研讨会,会议共收到论文四十余篇。会议围绕着中外历史哲学问题、文化与文明问题、世界历史与现代世界体系问题、全球化与全球史问题、西方马克思主义史学问题、西方主要史学流派、传统史学、史料学、史学的问题意识与现实关注等问题,展开了深入的交流和坦诚、热烈的讨论。     

亚细亚民族会议与中国的反对运动

亚细亚民族会议由日本的全亚细亚协会和中国的亚细亚民族大同盟共同发起,以“全亚细亚民族的共存共荣”为宗旨,但实际上,中、日代表之间对会议的理解各不相同。日本代表的真实目的是抵制英、美的威胁并削弱其在亚洲的利益,确立日本的亚洲盟主地位;而中国代表则希望通过会议取消中日间不平等条约,实现民族的独立自由。双方争论频起,几至会议决裂。同时,会议遭到了中国各界的坚决反对和严厉批评。其中虽有意气用事、不够准确之处,但如实地揭露了日本代表借“大亚细亚主义”称霸亚洲的虚假本质,表现了中国人民维护国家主权和民族利益的决心,应该给予充分的肯定。     

在《清史》编纂座谈会上的讲话

季羡林 :今天我以一个两重外行的身份参加这个座谈会 ,对清史过去翻过一点 ,不太清楚 ,系统没有搞过 ,对清史所的工作 ,最近这两天正补课 ,所以也不大清楚。我想既然来的话 ,外行的话也有外行的意义。我想 :第一 ,这项工作非常有意义 ,如果我们今天不完成这工作 ,我们对不起祖宗 ,对不起后世子孙。我们中国几千年以来 ,她的历史完全具备 ,在世界上第一份 ,到了我们大家这儿中断 ,那不可能的。可是已经九十年了 ,辛亥革命到今年整整九十年 ,都没有完成。所以我们必须完成 ,义不容辞 ,没别的话说。第二 ,中国历史有两个特点 ,一个就是我们全 ,…     

华盛顿会议与中国民众运动

第一次世界大战结束,美国由于未能在巴黎和会上满足其在远东地区扩张势力的目的而又积极倡议召开华盛顿会议来讨论远东和太平洋问题,以求拆散原有的英日同盟,打击日本在东方的优势,以建立自己在远东的霸权,而英国也深感日本发展趋势的威胁,迫切希望重新调整帝国主义在东方的势力均衡关系。因此经英、美共同发起、并由美国出面召开有英、美、法、意、日、中六国参加的华盛顿会议,后又增加荷兰、比利时及葡萄牙而成为九国会议。美国于１９２１年８月１３日向中、日、英、法、意等国发出正式邀请;１６日,北京政府表示与会,成立“太平…