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James K. Boyce 《Development and change》1992,23(4):1-25
The Philippines is the world's leading coconut exporter. The benefits of this trade for Filipino producers have been circumscribed by declining terms of trade in the world market and by highly unequal distribution of coconut-sector income at home. A case study of the Philippine coconut trade illustrates the crucial importance of linkages between wealth and power in determining the size and distribution of income in export agriculture. ‘The time has come,’ the Walrus said, ‘To talk of many things: of shoes — and ships — and sealing wax — Of cabbages — and — kings — And why the sea is boiling hot — And whether pigs have wings.’ Carroll (1922: 186) 相似文献
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Nikolaos Zahariadis 《政策研究杂志》2002,30(2):285-298
In this article, I examine the reasons behind public aid to industry in 12 European countries during the period 199–93. 1 build a model based on societal demands for producer subsidies and the wiliingness and constraints of national governments to provide them. The main contribution of this study is the attention to the institutional context within which demand for and supply of public policy takes place. Institutions not only help shape actor preferences to extract "rents" but also fundamentally condition the level and distribution of subsidies. 相似文献
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This research examines state support for higher education by first ascertaining the amount supplied and demanded of this service. The approach assumes that supply and demand occur simultaneously, and that each is affected by higher education spending policies among the states. We argue that enrollment is the most satisfactory proxy for both supply and demand. State policy is measured as expenditure effort. We estimate three time-series equations using two-stage least squares regression with data for the years 1986–95. In the final equation, supply/demand (enrollment) emerges as the strongest predictor of state spending effort. Commitment to higher education (effort) is also especially sensitive to variations in the number of employees (per student). Employee costs clearly are a major factor in fueling increases in state higher education spending effort. State per capita income exerts a negative effect on the final dependent variable. Poor states exert greater financial effort in support of their colleges and universities than do more affluent states. 相似文献
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The Determinants of Political Cleavages in Jordan,Tunisia, and Yemen: An Analysis of Political Attitudes Structure in the Arab World
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Malek Abduljaber PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2018,27(1):97-120
This article investigates the determinants of political cleavages composing the structure of political attitudes in Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen following the Arab Spring. Further, it tests whether political cleavages carry predictive weight on ordinary citizens’ electoral choices in general elections. Using the Sixth Wave of the World Values Survey, discriminant analysis was conducted to generate the dimensionality, type, and structure of political attitudes in the three nations. Findings suggest that the structure of political attitudes in Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen is multidimensional: the Islamic‐Secular division, a conflict along economic policy visions and an emerging divisive dimension concerning political reform. Evidence indicates that political cleavages do not possess significant predictive power in determining voters’ choice at elections booths. This research also points to the significance of social transformation processes such as modernization and globalization in causing a shift in values among ordinary citizens in the Arab World. This research argues that in countries where the effects of modernization and globalization are higher, a weakening of the Islamic‐Secular division is witnessed. This research is important since it paves the way for further empirical analysis on political ideology in the Middle East. It shatters conjectures concluding that Arab polities are only divided by a single hierarchical dimension: Islamic‐Secular. It contributes to comparative research on the dimensionality of political ideology by showing that the Arab World is similar to the industrialized world in the dimensionality, nature, and structuration of political ideology. 相似文献
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Rafael Reuveny 《政策研究杂志》1999,27(4):643-664
The Israeli and Palestinian economies are asymmetrically interdependent. Some scholars argue that the Palestinian economy cannot be viable alone. Others believe that economic links with Israel will promote peace. Supporters of separation argue that these links distort Palestinian development. I show that the current interdependence is associated with a cyclical Israeli-Palestinian violence and Palestinian economic decline. Assuming that an independent Palestinian state forms in most of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, I argue that Israeli-Palestinian relations require economic separation to be stable. Economic separation will deteriorate Palestinian welfare in the short run. Policies to make it viable are considered. 相似文献
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Andrew Parkin 《Australian journal of political science》1986,21(2):119-122
Ada W. Finifter (ed.), Political Science: The State of the Discipline, Washington D.C.: American Political Science Assocaition, 1983. 相似文献
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Jeffrey James 《Development and change》1996,27(3):415-431
The failure of public sector investment projects in Sub-Saharan Africa can often be described in large measure as a technological one, where technology is defined not just in the narrow sense of alternative factor proportions, but in the wider terms of scale and import intensity as well. In confining itself mainly to the economic dimensions of the problem, the existing literature fails to consider the reasons for the extraordinarily rapid and widespread expansion of the public sector in Sub-Saharan Africa and it hence ignores the possibility that this expansion might itself be related to the observed patterns of technological behaviour in the sector. Such a possibility, I suggest, resides in the political and institutional compulsions that drive industrial firms in the public sector to increase the size of their operations. 相似文献
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Dave Cox 《Australian journal of political science》1996,31(1):83-98
The discovery of the Argyle diamond field in the north of Western Australia during the late-1970s heralded a new phase in Australia's mining history. Initial forecasts rated Argyle's potential output as internationally significant. Even before full-scale mining commenced it was clear that production from Argyle would pose a serious challenge to the South African-based diamond marketing cartel - De Beers. De Beers, through its strategic holdings in a range of foreign and Australian mining companies, worked to bring Argyle production under its control. Despite its strong criticism of the manner in which the Fraser government dealt with the development of Argyle, when in government, Labor too seemed unwilling to exercise regulatory controls. Eager to encourage foreign investment the Federal and State Governments permitted South African mining interests to arrange the terms and conditions for the mining and marketing of Argyle diamonds free from significant public scrutiny. 相似文献
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Howard Lehman 《政策研究杂志》1992,20(4):719-732
Brendan F.D., Barrett and Rikti Therivel Environmental Policy and Impact Assessment in Japan .
Alemneh Dejene, Environment, Famine, and Politics in Ethiopia: A View from the Village .
David Goodman and Michael Redclift, eds., Environment and Development in Latin Ameruca: The Politics of Sustainbiliity .
Roberto P. Pryde, The Ecopolitics of Development in the Third World: Politics and Environment in Brazil .
Philip R. Pryde, Environmental Management in the Soviet Union .
Lester Ross, Environmental Policy in China . 相似文献
Alemneh Dejene, Environment, Famine, and Politics in Ethiopia: A View from the Village .
David Goodman and Michael Redclift, eds., Environment and Development in Latin Ameruca: The Politics of Sustainbiliity .
Roberto P. Pryde, The Ecopolitics of Development in the Third World: Politics and Environment in Brazil .
Philip R. Pryde, Environmental Management in the Soviet Union .
Lester Ross, Environmental Policy in China . 相似文献
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This article examines the procurement practices of Canada s three largest electric power utilities, Ontario Hydro, Hydro Quebec, and B.C. Hydro in terms of their impact on the technological development of the electrical power equipment industry in Canada. The theoretical underpinnings of this analysis are that under certain economic, technical and institutional conditions, procurement as managed by large publicly owned corporations with a high level of technical capacity can be a powerful instrument of industrial innovation. The paper describes how in the face of weakening market power following the twenty-year expansion phase in the industry (1960–80) and global restructuring among electrical power equipment suppliers, the three utilities have been forced to reassess conflicting commercial and technological objectives. The authors point to Hydro Quebec's signing of a recent series of strategic production agreements with key suppliers as an example of a new approach lo procurement through concentrated use of limited market power in critical product areas. The paper concludes that the distribution of risks involved in technology development between buyers and sellers is dependent on market structures. Secondly, the nature of these client-supplier interactions in management of risk will reflect the internal coherence of an organization's commercial and technological strategies. 相似文献
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Margaret Susan Thompson 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(2):169-193
Woodrow Wilson declared the early Gilded Age to be a time of Congressional Government, when the legislature “reigned supreme” and was the federal polity's “motivating force.” Yet that same Congress, and era, have been immortalized pejoratively as bastions of corruption; of politicos, spoils–and, most especially, of omnipotently evil lobbyists. This essay argues that both lobbying and the notoriety it aroused in the Grant years were essentially by-products of systemic change. Corruption did exist, but much of what contemporaries saw as illicit was merely new; neither Washington nor the polity as a whole had yet devised mechanisms, or even language, appropriate to emerging conditions. In fact, lobbying was a necessary and even beneficial force in post-Civil War America, one that actually helped officials and citizens to function as the scope, procedures, and agenda of governance underwent dramatic transformation. 相似文献