明清皇城与紫禁城沿革举要

明初定都南京,以宫城为皇城,宫城之外没有外禁。洪武十年（1377年）改建大内宫殿、增辟外禁垣以后,宫城与外禁垣统称皇城。永乐营建北京宫殿“规制悉如南京”。其后,弘治朝定宫城为内皇城、外禁垣为外皇城;嘉靖朝宫城改称紫禁城、外禁垣称皇城。清初承袭明制,中期以后皇城东、西、北三门开放,重新呈现以宫城为禁密的制度特点。     

《吕氏春秋》“天下皆来谓矣”解

《吕氏春秋．开春论》：“周厉之难,天子旷绝,而天下皆来谓矣。”“谓”,高诱注：“谓天子也。”刘师培曰“高注,谓天子也。则高本谓作谒”。元刻本、明张登云刻本“谓”作“请”。     

清宫藏乾隆宸翰印

乾隆皇帝处处效仿其祖父,曾篆刻宝玺1800余方,是康熙帝宝玺的十几倍。他当太子时就刻有印章70余方。根据《乾隆宝薮》统计,乾隆帝“八徵耄念”及“八徵耄念之宝”有63方,“自强不息”45方,“古稀天子”及“占稀天子之宝”42方,“犹日孜孜”24方,“乾隆宸翰”24方,“惟精惟一”13方。其中,“乾隆宸翰”、“惟精惟一”等属闲章。     

曼帝的女儿缘何称为“公主”

《春秋·公羊传》说：“天子嫁女平诸侯，必使诸侯同姓者主之。”意思是，周天子把女儿嫁给诸侯，自己是不主婚的，而是请和自己同姓的诸侯作为长辈主婚。诸侯的最高爵位是“公”，故而天子女儿就有了个称号——公主。在先秦时代，可被称为公主的并不限于天子的女儿。《史记·孙子吴起列传》说：“公叔为相，尚（迎娶公主叫‘尚’）魏公主。”可见，诸侯之女也称公主。先秦诸侯女儿也称“君主”，如《史记·六国年表》说：秦“初以君主妻河”。《索隐》解释说：“君主，犹公主也。”     

两汉皇帝即位礼仪研究

汉代最高统治者有“皇帝”、“天子”两个正式称号 ,而正式称号的获得是通过即位礼仪来实现的。因此 ,汉代最高统治者即位就存在“皇帝即位”与“天子即位”的区分。“皇帝即位”是通过读策与授玺来完成 ,而“天子即位”外禅是通过祭天 ,内禅则是通过在柩前即位来完成     

开封历代皇宫沿革与北宋东京皇城范围新考

北宋东京皇城的范围说法不一：一些史书持“周回五里”说;部分学认为北宋东京皇城有两重城墙,一为在内的五里宫城,一为在外的九里十三步皇城。综合研究史料和近年来考古发掘的最新成果,北宋东京皇城的范围应为七里余。     

乾隆御制《知过论》赏析

《知过论》是乾隆皇帝书写的一篇自省文章,作于乾隆四十六年(1781年),时年71岁。此卷引首纵书“诫申观我”4个行书大字。正文横108厘米,纵31.6厘米,底为描金行龙纹,四角饰如意祥云。全篇共书721字,落款“乾隆辛丑仲秋月御笔”。共钤11枚鉴藏章,分别是“古稀天子之宝”、“五福五代堂古稀天子之宝”、“用笔在心”、“寓意于物”、“几席有余香”、“有同春”、“犹日孜孜”、“乐寿堂”、“八徵耄念之宝”、“太上皇帝之宝”、“石渠宝笈所藏”。乾隆皇帝的性情一向好大喜功,对自己几十年当政文武兼备的丰硕成果一直津津乐道,自称为“十全老…     

“天子驾六”问题考辨

天子驾马问题是周代礼制研究中的重要课题。由于礼书及其他先秦文献记载零星散乱,致使两周“天子驾数”成为千年讼案。自汉至清,“驾六”、“驾四”、“盛则驾六,常则驾四”等说法聚讼纷纭。近年随着考古相关资料的不断发现,特别是洛阳东周王陵区“六马之驾”的发现,再次引起了“天子之驾”的探讨。本文力图在考辨文献、分析考古资料的基础上,梳理此问题的来龙去脉,对“天子驾六”问题作一基本判断。     

辽上京宫城遗址

<正>辽上京遗址位于内蒙古巴林左旗林东镇东南。城址由北部的皇城和南部的汉城两部分组成,平面略呈"日"字形,总面积约5平方公里。皇城城墙保存较好,平面呈不规则方形。宫城位于皇城中部,一些大型宫殿遗迹在地表依稀可见。但是宫城城墙大部分已掩埋于地下,宫城的准确范围尚不清楚。为了进一步认识辽上京城址的布局和沿革,促进对辽上京遗址的有效保护,推进辽上京国家考古     

上博简《天子建州》“文阴而武阳”章新诠

上博简《天子建州》“文阴而武阳”章很特殊,将“阴阳”和“文武”、“生杀”相结合,在先秦礼类典籍中没有看到过。只有在与黄老道家及阴阳家的文献相对比之後,置于人道与天道相配合的思想背景下讨论,“文阴而武阳”章的意思才能得到比较合理的解释。此章虽然没有出现“刑德”一词,但很可能《天子建州》有“刑德”的意识。通过对“文阴而武阳”一章的分析,可知先秦有一部分儒家所谈的“礼”和黄老道家及阴阳家有相通之处。     

Resistance and the City

The mass demonstrations that took place in 2011 in major cities worldwide, dubbed here Contemporary Metropolitan Protest (CMP), varied in terms of the issues tackled and the political efficacy attained, but featured similarities in style, mobilization patterns and the use of traditional and social media. The similarities explain the tendency among commentators and researchers to treat CMP as a coherent category. The variation, on the other hand, raises questions about conceptual and theoretical idioms used so far in the analysis of CMP. The article begins by scrutinizing “resistance”—an idiom introduced to anthropology in the 1980s to theorize peasant response to metropolitan policies—and its recent emergence in the depiction and analysis of CMP. Highlighting the strengths and limitations of the term, I use the rise and fall of CMP in Tel Aviv in 2011 and 2012 as an example of how the implicit logic of aggression and response, so central to earlier employment of the notion of resistance, can be hijacked by defensive regimes that seek to delegitimize and criminalize critique, thus forcing CMP to decline and implode.     

徐州城叠城的特点和成因

本文结合本世纪以来的考古资料,通过对徐 州城市历史变迁过程的论述及区域灾害史料的分析,总结了 徐州城叠城的历史原由,认为徐州城叠城具有严整重合的显 著特点。     

徐堡城址的性质问题

徐堡城址是豫西北地区一座龙山文化城址,大体上相当于我国历史上的唐虞时代.关于它的性质,迄今学术界尚未进行深入探讨.根据当时黄河改道洪水四溢的历史背景,加上城址北垣又被沁河冲毁,我们认为它同大禹治水有关,很可能是禹在覃怀治理洪水时的重要城邑,也是覃怀地区黄河文明的中心.     

登封王城岗城址与禹都阳城

20世纪后半叶与21世纪之初,在河南省登封市告成镇的王城岗遗址,先后发现了两座河南龙山文化晚期小城与一座大城,根据碳十四测定的城址年代数据,结合历史文献记载,可以认为王城岗小城为鲧作之城与禹避舜子商均所居的阳城,王城岗大城则是禹都阳城.     

Justice and Injustice in the City

Following a recent growth of interest in questions of justice and the city, this paper considers how the work of contemporary critical urbanists compares with earlier accounts of urban justice and injustice. Our purpose in making this comparison is to consider how scholars concerned with justice and injustice in the city might better articulate the conceptual relationship between justice‐thinking and (in)justice‐documenting in their writings about the contemporary planned city. Using a selection of influential texts as evidence, our comparative commentary on past and present approaches focuses on three issues we think are crucial to this relationship. First, with the rise of analyses of the politics of difference, concepts of justice stressing procedure, process, and the hearing of multiple voices have come to the fore recently, especially in urban planning. Second, contemporary writers about geographies of justice have queried the value of using pre‐formulated, philosophical justice norms to judge outcomes and processes in particular contexts, seeing justice, rather, as intuited in the enactment of social conflicts and practices in those actual situations. Third, questions about the spatiality of justice and injustice have been aired recently asking whether justice and injustice have primarily a social rather than a spatial ontology. The conclusion of our evaluative review is that similar issues are being named and investigated now as were four decades ago, in investigations of justice and injustice in cities, but that concerted debates about theory and epistemology have elaborated the conceptual focus of discussion. We call for grounded investigations of enactments of justice as well as of injustice.     

洛阳老城十字街与隋唐城街道遗迹

1996、1997年,在洛阳老城西大街东段发掘出隋唐洛阳城东城宣仁门的南门道遗址。此处门址的发现,为进一步确定隋唐洛阳城东城第二条横街宣仁门街、外郭城上东门街的位置提供了重要坐标点。结合考古资料及相关文献记载,可以考证出现今洛阳老城十字街与隋唐洛阳城宣仁门街、上东门街、徽安门街的叠压关系。     

读城·奥斯汀

在我的眼中,德克萨斯首府奥斯汀就像一位神奇的牛仔女郎.她与生俱来的德州骄傲仿佛拒人千里,但当你走进她的世界,"硅丘"高科技公司的无限创意与"东六街"夜晚喧嚣的摇滚音乐和谐相生;丰厚的历史人文积淀与炭火上"滋滋"冒响的烤肉相映成趣……"让奥斯汀与众不同"的口号,令这一切皆为可能.