对纳粹暴政与德意志历史最早的反思——德国流亡社会科学家与纳粹主义研究

德意志人对纳粹暴政以及德意志历史的反思并非始于第二次世界大战结束之后,而是早自1933年就开始了。只不过,它不是由当时生活在德国境内的德意志人,而是由一批逃出德国、流亡国外的德意志人开始的。美国高校接纳的德国流亡哲学家、政治学家、社会学家、经济学家和历史学家们最早开始了反思。这场反思不仅影响了西方政治理论的发展,更为重要的是,它还影响了战后美国对德国的占领政策和“民主化”的改造行动、联邦德国的经济重建以及德意志社会对自身历史的深刻反思。战后德意志社会的这场全面深刻的反思,正是在流亡美国的德国知识精英们所构筑的思想平台上进行的。     

战犯审判、历史认识、民族和解

为纪念世界反法西斯战争暨中国抗日战争胜利65周年,中国社会科学院于2010年9月4日至5日在北京主办了中国社会科学论坛(2010年.世界史)二战后东亚与欧洲历史反思与和解进程比较国际学术研讨会。会议由中国社会科学院世界历史研究所承办,中国德国史研究会、德国汉斯.赛德尔基金会与中国日本史学会协办。来自中国、朝鲜、韩国、日本、越南、美国、俄罗斯、德国、法国、波兰、匈牙利、捷克12个国家的70多位学者参加了会议。与会学者们就二战后德国与日本对本国侵略历史的态度、东亚与欧洲和解进程的差异及其原因展开了热烈的讨论,并就如何汲取战后欧洲国家反思与和解的积极经验,推动日本的历史反思与东亚的和解进程提出了许多富有建设性的意见。本期的圆桌会议栏目选择了四位与会学者的发言在这里刊登。宋志勇的文章从整体上对德国和日本战后历史反思的不同态度做了勾画;鲍尔康泊和依田3家的文章在一定程度上反映出这两个国家对其在二战中所犯罪行的反思程度;李薇的文章则从战后整个世界政治格局的宽阔视野、日本近代的思想文化和当前国际政治较量的角度,较为深入地分析了为什么日本不能正视自己所犯罪行的原因。通过这些文章的发表,我们希望能够推动这一专题的讨论与研究,有...     

关于目前中日之间的相互理解问题

为纪念世界反法西斯战争暨中国抗日战争胜利65周年,中国社会科学院于2010年9月4日至5日在北京主办了中国社会科学论坛(2010年.世界史)二战后东亚与欧洲历史反思与和解进程比较国际学术研讨会。会议由中国社会科学院世界历史研究所承办,中国德国史研究会、德国汉斯.赛德尔基金会与中国日本史学会协办。来自中国、朝鲜、韩国、日本、越南、美国、俄罗斯、德国、法国、波兰、匈牙利、捷克12个国家的70多位学者参加了会议。与会学者们就二战后德国与日本对本国侵略历史的态度、东亚与欧洲和解进程的差异及其原因展开了热烈的讨论,并就如何汲取战后欧洲国家反思与和解的积极经验,推动日本的历史反思与东亚的和解进程提出了许多富有建设性的意见。本期的圆桌会议栏目选择了四位与会学者的发言在这里刊登。宋志勇的文章从整体上对德国和日本战后历史反思的不同态度做了勾画;鲍尔康泊和依田3家的文章在一定程度上反映出这两个国家对其在二战中所犯罪行的反思程度;李薇的文章则从战后整个世界政治格局的宽阔视野、日本近代的思想文化和当前国际政治较量的角度,较为深入地分析了为什么日本不能正视自己所犯罪行的原因。通过这些文章的发表,我们希望能够推动这一专题的讨论与研究,有...     

二战后德国史学家对纳粹大屠杀的反思——以约恩·吕森“三代人”理论为中心

纳粹大屠杀以其历史经历的极端性打破了德国历史的连续性,并作为历史意义的断裂和历史创伤,打破了战后德国人的代际认同、集体认同和民族认同。黑格尔“命运的因果性”、兰克“内在的关联”等德国传统思想资源成为对纳粹大屠杀进行历史反思的思想和意识前提。作为当代德国具有代表性的历史学家,约恩·吕森提出德国人在战后反思纳粹历史的过程以1968年和1989年为界,形成了以参加战争及战后重建的一代、战后一代及战后二代这三代人的历史意识和民族认同取向为主导的嬗变过程。吕森以“命运的因果性”命题为核心来阐述战后德国人为纳粹历史悔罪的理论储备与精神机制,由此形成了第一代人的沉默、第二代人的道德批判和第三代人的历史化处理方式。“三代人”理论对纳粹历史反思的代际处理具有“理想型”和“形而上学罪责”的思维特征,其本身也是关于纳粹反思的学术性成果之一。     

德国与奥地利的历史反思

在第二次世界大战期间,德国人既已被认定负有"集体罪责","德国恐惧症"在欧洲国家蔓延。对此,战后"德国人民犯了什么错"在德国社会引起热议。但"铭记历史、吸取教训"深刻地影响了德国与奥地利的政治运作方式,尽管许多德国人和奥地利人也受到创伤,但却无法谈论。在20世纪50年代,西德人与奥地利人仍然避免讨论希特勒,东德则认为自己是正义的共产主义者,当年一直在与"法西斯主义者"作斗争。冷战结束与德国再统一之后,战后难民处理带来的负面影响逐渐消散,填充记忆、创造概念并解释过去,成为政治家利用历史赢得未来的关键。对于德国年轻人来说,希特勒已经属于遥远的过去。所有的中东欧国家在2004年至2013年间陆续加入欧盟,再加上若干次政治和金融危机的影响,怀旧情绪已经消失。     

试论历史功能——关于历史与现实关系的思考

中国以历史悠久闻名于世,在中国文明的发展史中,历史的功能受到过充分的重视。唐太宗认为以史为镜可以知兴衰,宋代司马光编纂《资治通鉴》作为封建统治者的必读教科书。凡是稍有头脑的封建政治家无不把了解历史进程,总结历史经验视为观照现实、洞察将来的一面镜子,并且取得了某种成功。当然,不论是封建社会的政治家,还是思想家,都往往偏重历史的社会政治功能,专注于统治术的探讨,他们的动机与目的也因此统一于维护而不是变革传统的社会格局。     

如何培育健康的历史意识——试论德国历史教科书中的二战历史叙述

历史教科书肩负有塑造国家与民族之回忆文化的职责.德国历史教科书中的第二次世界大战历史叙述经历了多种变化,这些变化历程也反映了二战后德国政治文化的变迁进程.德国当代历史教科书着眼于培养年轻一代的罪责意识,通过集体罪责的分层化、消融化、当下化和立体化,试图建构年轻一代健康的历史意识.“历史意识”已经成为德国当代历史教学中的核心理念.     

论日本的历史反思与自我国际定位

为纪念世界反法西斯战争暨中国抗日战争胜利65周年,中国社会科学院于2010年9月4日至5日在北京主办了中国社会科学论坛(2010年.世界史)二战后东亚与欧洲历史反思与和解进程比较国际学术研讨会。会议由中国社会科学院世界历史研究所承办,中国德国史研究会、德国汉斯.赛德尔基金会与中国日本史学会协办。来自中国、朝鲜、韩国、日本、越南、美国、俄罗斯、德国、法国、波兰、匈牙利、捷克12个国家的70多位学者参加了会议。与会学者们就二战后德国与日本对本国侵略历史的态度、东亚与欧洲和解进程的差异及其原因展开了热烈的讨论,并就如何汲取战后欧洲国家反思与和解的积极经验,推动日本的历史反思与东亚的和解进程提出了许多富有建设性的意见。本期的圆桌会议栏目选择了四位与会学者的发言在这里刊登。宋志勇的文章从整体上对德国和日本战后历史反思的不同态度做了勾画;鲍尔康泊和依田3家的文章在一定程度上反映出这两个国家对其在二战中所犯罪行的反思程度;李薇的文章则从战后整个世界政治格局的宽阔视野、日本近代的思想文化和当前国际政治较量的角度,较为深入地分析了为什么日本不能正视自己所犯罪行的原因。通过这些文章的发表,我们希望能够推动这一专题的讨论与研究,有...     

德国纳粹时期《历史杂志》的纳粹化

作为一门与现实紧密相连的学科,历史学应在关注现实和服务现实的同时,不屈服于现实。德国长期以“科学”和“独立”著称的《历史杂志》,却在纳粹上台后逐渐转向纳粹化,在经历过“主编易人风波”后,更是通过提升主编权力、改变办刊宗旨和增加纳粹主题刊文数量的方式,完全屈服于纳粹政治,沦为纳粹的附庸。在此期间,由于杂志刊发了一些纯学术和批判纳粹类型的文章,后世学者往往把它看作“消极抵抗”的代表。事实上,这种行为只是杂志号召历史学家为纳粹政治服务的一种手段,不能被视为抵抗纳粹的证据。《历史杂志》的纳粹化对德国社会和历史学的发展产生了恶劣的影响,不仅助长了德国的反犹主义行为,美化了纳粹的侵略行径,而且降低了德国传统政治史学的权威性,削弱了杂志自身的可信度和公信力,使其丧失了在全球史学界原有的地位。     

试论西贝尔的史学观念

本文试图从史料批判、连续性原则和政治观念三方面来探讨德国历史学家西贝尔构建的历史—政治史学观念体系,同时说明这种史学观念不但植根于德意志文化之中,更是针对当时的社会政治问题提出的一种解决方案。在这一体系中,西贝尔强调现实在认识历史中的重要作用,号召历史学家投身社会实践,在历史认识和生命实践之间的不断互动中,对历史进程进行不断的重新理解,由此而化解历史的客观性与历史知识的主观性之间的矛盾,从而体现出历史学对于社会和个人的价值。     

Polish experiences with Scandinavian activity in the League of Nations

The aim of this article is to analyse the role played by Scandinavian politicians and experts working for the League of Nations in resolving conflicts to which Poland was a party and how this activity was assessed by Polish diplomats and politicians. Scandinavian involvement in decision-making processes related to Polish interests was mainly studied on the basis of diplomatic documents as well as Polish and Swedish press articles. The analysis focuses on several key issues. The first relates to the background to the involvement of Swedish politicians and experts in the procedures employed to resolve the Polish–Lithuanian conflict over Vilnius. Another concerns the attitude of the Scandinavian states towards electing Poland as a member of the League Council between 1923 and 1935, with special emphasis on the Swedish veto of 1926. Finally, the involvement of Scandinavian experts in resolving conflicts between Poland and the city of Danzig is discussed. In this case, the most important figure was Helmer Rosting, who held the position of the League of Nations High Commissioner in the Free City of Danzig between 1932 and 1934. The conclusions emphasize that Poles were generally dissatisfied with the work of the Scandinavians, accusing them of being biased towards the Germans and Lithuanians. Moreover, the Polish party involved believed that, when making their judgments and decisions, Scandinavian officials only followed the letter of the law and did not pay sufficient regard to the political context.     

The Clash of Interests: Commerce and the Politics of Trade in the Age of Anne

This article celebrates the contribution which Professor Holmes made to the field of British politics and society by the study of an important collection of political tracts. The compiler of the collection is identified as Sir Charles Cooke, one of the most significant commercial politicians of his day. The organisation of the collection illuminates the ways in which City politicians used various channels of information, both printed and personal, to support their political platforms. It also demonstrates how Cooke contributed to the defeat of the tories over the French Commerce Bill of 1713, by supplying key sources to combat the ministry's position. On a wider plane, although it suggests that partisan politics tainted all information advanced in the public sphere, this did not relieve political rivals of the need to establish the superior authority of their sources, and political success only saw Cooke redouble his efforts to gain as wide a base of information as possible. Statistical precision remained elusive, but his archive stands testament to a growing need for authority of source in a political world of party and vested interests.     

岳飞之死与宋代文人政治的历史困境

岳飞之死乃是宋代政治的一大悲剧事件。一般认为是高宗、秦桧为与金媾和而杀害了岳飞,但从更深的政治文化传统来看,岳飞实为宋代士大夫官僚集团共同谋害。他的死象征了士大夫从武将手中重新夺回兵权,恢复了自宋代立国以来的文人主导政治的传统。岳飞之死亦显示了宋代文化的悲剧性质,是自北宋以来文人迫害武将传统的历史循环,显示了宋代文人集团极其狭隘的政治心胸。审视岳飞悲剧可以看出,士大夫们已经把维护本集团利益日益看得高于一切,甚至置王朝的整体利益于不顾,他们最终自陷于历史的困境而不能自拔。这也是整个所谓"宋型文化"失败的个案透视。     

Tweet style: campaigning,governing, and social media in Australia

When politicians use the new tools of social media to talk directly to voters, how strategic are these communications? Do lawmakers change how they present themselves in different situations, tweeting differently during campaigns and when their party is out of power, or tailoring their ‘tweet style’ to the preferences of constituents? I explore these questions by categorising 291,091 tweets by politicians in Australia, a nation that features variation in electoral systems in its two legislative houses and which held an election after widespread adoption of social media. When their party controls government, politicians tweet about their personal characteristics and events more often, avoiding clear ideological positions. When an election is called, politicians both in government and in the opposition rally their bases by tweeting toward their own sides of the ideological spectrum.     

Politicians,Parties, and the Persistence of Weak States: Lessons from the Philippines

Under what conditions will politicians strengthen state capabilities through bureaucratic reform? This article presents a principal–agent model of state capacity that shows that unless competition to influence policy is largely confined to a single dimension, politicians have no incentive or ‘political will’ to adopt bureaucratic reform. The validity of this model is tested using the experience of the Philippines in the period 1946–72. It is found that politically relevant groups in the Philippines were competing to influence policy over issues of social welfare, economic nationalism and control over public spending, and that groups' demands over these issues failed to align along a single dominant dimension. Consistent with expectations derived from the principal–agent model, there were numerous calls for and attempts to improve bureaucratic performance, but the calls went unheeded and the attempts failed miserably. The study highlights a lesson of potential use to countries currently undergoing democratization. It argues that state capacity is not a function of insulating the state from societal forces, but rather of clarifying lines of authority and accountability in the hierarchy of principal–agent relationships between society, politicians and bureaucrats.     

The Bullock Report on Industrial Democracy and the Post-War Consensus

The post-war settlement among the policy elite is central to much historical literature. This article considers the rise and fall of the idea of ‘industrial democracy’, and its relationship to this settlement. The elite failed to respond coherently to claims for workplace democracy. The notion that politicians could work with ‘the unions’ and ‘industry’ was shown to be deficient. The unions contained numerous views, many hostile to industrial democracy in the form proposed by Bullock and the TUC. Industry was almost uniformly antagonistic. The notion of consensus ostensibly underpinned the attempts of Labour and Conservative politicians to progress this issue. In truth, this was a curious approach. The debate over Bullock was, at root, an argument over whether the owners of capital should cede some of their power in favour of organised labour. There was never likely to be agreement on this. The inconclusive debate over Bullock ultimately showed how fragile the consensus was. The political elite could not forever smooth over underlying disagreements between capital and labour, or between groups of workers with differing interests.     

Political Obstacles to Decentralization: Evidence from Argentina and the Philippines

Decentralization has swept across the developing world in recent years. Although the speed and scope of the shift toward more decentralized practices is striking, decentralization is neither inevitable nor irreversible. Rather, it faces enormous political obstacles and can be subject to serious setbacks. This article accounts for attempts by national politicians to thwart decentralization in two countries that recently adopted some of the most significant decentralizing changes in their respective regions: Argentina and the Philippines. Based on fieldwork in each country, it suggests that even after the political decision to decentralize has been made, national politicians may face deep‐seated incentives to preserve centralized control over fiscal policy. In Argentina, President Carlos Menem partially reversed the previous decentralization of revenue because fiscally‐independent provincial governors were a challenge to his political interests and capabilities. In the Philippines, legislators attempted to reverse and then circumvent decentralization since it threatened their status as brokers claiming personal credit for negotiating fiscal transfers from the centre. The article identifies an intermediate outcome in both countries, according to which decentralizing policies are neither entirely reversed nor implemented as initially designed.     

Do Lawyers Get More Votes?

ABSTRACT

In many western democracies, law has been the dominant occupational background of politicians. This raises the question whether lawyers get more votes when they run for election compared to non-lawyers. To our knowledge, this question has not been examined empirically over an extended period of time. Our study aims to fill this lacuna. We collected longitudinal data about the careers of all candidates in Canadian federal elections from 1921 to 2015. Our dataset is composed of about 32,000 observations including the occupation and electoral performance of every candidate who ran for office. Our analysis shows that lawyers do get more votes but that their personal electoral boost is very small.     

Professional Politicians as the Subjects of Moral Panic

The media, the public and politicians themselves often express a fear that Australian political life is increasingly dominated by ‘professional politicians’, who are seen as careerist, lacking in commitment and disconnected from the reality of ordinary lives. The article analyses the meanings given to the term ‘professional politicians’ and their relationship to other definitions and characteristics of professionalism. It also uses the concept of moral panic to analyse the concerns expressed about ‘professional politicians’. This concept, first formulated in 1972 in Cohen's study of alleged youth violence in a small town in the United Kingdom, is most often associated with studies of social deviance. This article demonstrates how, in a later period, it can be extended to apply to politicians, a group traditionally more often identified as a perpetrator of moral panics than the subject of them.     

Framing social rebalancing,national identity,and victimhood in Kanaky/New Caledonia

New Caledonia is an island territory located in the French South Pacific. In 2018, the first of three referenda on the island’s sovereignty will occur. Over the next decade, inhabitants of this territory will decide whether to become fully sovereign, maintain their dependence on France, or enter into an independent-association relationship with another state. Through a series of interviews with prominent New Caledonian politicians and secondary sources, this article explores how definitions of victimhood and national identity construction shape the notion of rebalancing. Both loyalist and nationalist politicians argue that the current social inequalities between New Caledonian communities require targeted policies intended to re-balance the populations. Politicians use these victim narratives and national identities to construct imagined communities that advocate for the inclusive or exclusive application of the right to self-determination.