论宋初兴文教抑武事的形成

宋初统治者吸取了五代时期武将得宠骄行所形成的君弱臣强的教训,改变统治策略,确立了“以文化成天下”的国策来巩固政权。作为为这一政治目的服务的国家文教政策则通过“兴文教”和“抑武事”的两个方面具体贯彻统治意图。一方面通过重振儒术和完善科举制度,用以提高文臣地位;另一方面又将“抑武事”作为达到长治久安的手段,对军事将领施以压制和打击。由此形成了在国家政治生活中文武分途的情景,在极大地提升了文臣地位的同时又使武将精神状态发生变化,造成了国家军事发展长期赢弱的恶果。     

John-Jerome of Prague (1368–1440) and the Errores Graecorum: Anatomy of a Polemic Against Greek Christians

This paper discusses the anti-Greek writings of the Camaldolese John-Jerome of Prague from 1409 to 1433. It demonstrates how his varied experiences in Poland and the Middle East helped shape his views on eastern Christians, and how these views were further affected by the role Greek theology played in the thought of his great opponents, the Hussites. His hostile statements about the Greeks provide some indication of the depth of the antipathy between the two sides, as well as the limited knowledge of many in the Latin West about the details of ecclesiastical history and Greek theology on the eve of the Council of Florence. A discussion of his writings over a quarter century illustrates how John-Jerome's opinions about Greek Christians changed as he experienced different aspects of the relationship between the Latin and Greek churches. It is interesting to compare John-Jerome's views with two contemporaries whom he knew personally, the Camaldolese humanist Ambrogio Traversari and the Greek Dominican theologian Andrew Chrysoberges.     

民初“自由”报刊的自由观

在近代中国,尽管不能断言标名“自由”的报刊必定奉行自由主义,也有主张自由主义的报刊不以“自由”为标签,但那些自称为“自由”的刊物,显然应是考察近代中国自由主义历史轨迹的重要凭借。清季自由观念逐渐传播普及,以自由为名号的人士日渐增多。继《申报》开辟“自由谈”栏目,民初至少出现了9家标名为“自由”的报刊,主要分为两类,其一为自由党系统在各地的机关报,其二为以游戏文章追求思想、言论、出版三大自由的报刊。二者在反对各地政权的舆论压制时坚决维护言论自由,但政治上并未高揭自由主义的旗帜,其形象的社会观感亦不甚佳。此后直到抗日战争爆发,才再度出现以“自由”为名的报刊数量激增的情形,自由主义成为部分报刊的思想旗帜和政治目标。     

The Liberal Paradox and the Politics of Asylum in Australia

This article interprets the politics of asylum in Australia in light of what James Hollifield calls ‘the liberal paradox’; that is, the trend amongst contemporary states towards greater transnational open-ness in the economic arena alongside growing pressure for domestic political closure. It begins with an outline of Australia's recent history of economic reform and of the discourse of globalisation that has been employed to legitimise the changes wrought by this transition. Focusing on the period from the late 1990s to the early 2000s, the article provides an account of anxieties associated with these changes and an analysis of government strategies to secure the support of disaffected sections of the electorate. Asylum policy is analysed in this context. The article shows how the policing of asylum seekers constitutes performances of political closure designed to assuage those made vulnerable by Australia's neoliberal economic trajectory. It argues that these politics of asylum are indicative of the tensions between transnational engagement and territorial closure faced by neoliberal states more generally.     

The 1892 General Election and the Eclipse of the Liberal Unionists

This article seeks to establish that the 1892 general election marked a major change in the relative positions of the parties in the Unionist alliance. Not only did it reveal the limitations of the Liberal Unionist Party's strategy and appeal in an age of increasingly organised, mass politics, but it also acted as a brake on the ambitions of the new leader of the Liberal Unionists in the house of commons, Joseph Chamberlain. It argues that the Liberal Unionist Party suffered a more severe setback in 1892 than has been recognized hitherto and that Chamberlain's attempts to revive his party both before and after the general election were now prescribed by the reality of the political position in which the party now found itself. Rather than regarding the fluid political circumstances of the 1890s as the outcome of an emerging struggle between increasingly polarised ideologies, it seeks to reinforce the significance of local political circumstances and the efficacy of party management in the growing dominance of Lord Salisbury and Arthur Balfour and the Conservative central organisers.     

The Liberal Party,Free Trade and the 1841 Election

It is a paradox that the Liberal Party's electoral defeat in 1841 attested to its underlying strength and vitality. This article focuses on the impact on party unity of the free trade measures advocated by the ministry in the months preceding its fall. The Liberal Party's bold electoral platform antagonised its protectionist MPs, a group previously overlooked in the historiography, but fell short of the demands of its radical wing for political reform. While all the ingredients for fragmentation existed, unity prevailed. Protestations of loyalty to the leadership could be heard from the mouths of Liberal MPs of all shades, from stalwart protectionists who coalesced around the ministry on traditional foreign policy grounds through to the most fervent radicals who celebrated its ‘new’ direction. Such findings of cohesion contradict accounts which have hitherto viewed the 1841 electoral defeat as evidence of the party's inchoateness. Indeed, this article shifts the historiographical narrative away from addressing why the Liberals lost to the more pertinent issue of why the losses suffered were not greater. In answering that question, both the sensitivity with which the financial agenda was presented by ministers and the flexibility of different sections of the Liberal Party in interpreting and presenting the free trade measures to the electorate are underlined. Above all, Lord John Russell is rehabilitated as a ‘popular’ leader and his importance in the development of the nascent Liberal Party is unearthed.     

谈明清墨模图纹与雕刻工艺

故宫收藏了数万件明清制墨,本文以此为基础,通过古墨上的纹样了解、归纳墨模雕刻工艺。主要从装饰图纹、雕刻刀法的变化上论述不同时期墨模雕刻工艺的时代特征与风格,展示由明向清发展的演变脉络。     

Lincoln and the Rebirth of Liberal Democracy

It is a privilege to speak in this, the house of the Supreme Court of the United States, of Abraham Lincoln, our supremely great President. His task, he said, was greater than George Washington's. In the United States’ gravest crisis and most terrible war, Lincoln saved the country, its democratic republic, and the republic's devotion to the equal rights of man. He did more than save. He renewed the republic and purified it of slavery.     

The disambiguation of the Royal Academy of Arts

This article uses Jeremy Bentham's notion of disambiguation, which links language to power and ‘sinister interest’, to analyse criticisms of the Royal Academy of Arts by Benthamites and Philosophic Radicals at the Select Committee on Arts and Manufactures of 1835/6. This practice of disambiguation aimed to produce a distinction between the Royal Academy of Arts and the publicly funded art school. I situate this activity within the linguistic turn taken by Bentham's ethics, and its relevance to a dilemma of pedagogy in commercial society framed by Adam Smith. Smith's dilemma turns on the conflict between the requirement for a pedagogy that conforms to the principle of free trade, and an equally binding requirement for a virtue ethical model of pedagogy that offers a remedy for the corrupting effects of commerce on character. Adam Smith's support for private academies of art asserted a hierarchy of virtue ethics over utility, thus safeguarding autonomous ethical reasoning within capitalist forms of social life. Bentham's thought, in contrast, eschews the link between ethics and character, and places ethics itself within normative rules of language and cognition.     

民间美术保守性之积淀与变异

民间美术积淀丰厚,有其自身内在的发展规律和传承特点,保守性是其中之一。正因为有这种保守性,才使得我们可以在民间美术中去探寻原始文化发生、发展的线索和传统文化在民间艺术中留存的文化基因;也正因为如此,民间美术在长期的发展过程中才可以保持其相对完整的风格。