The battle for the family: Family policy in Australian electoral politics in the 1980s

This paper is a preliminary look at the recent emergence of the family as a major theme of Australian electoral politics. It shows that while both the Liberal and Labor Parties are attempting to make political capital out of the family, there are significant differences in their approach. While the Labor Party has been more inclined to accept diversity in the form of the family and the need to support primary carers, the Coalition has given priority to ‘strengthening the traditional family’ and its role as an alternative to welfare state provision. The paper deconstructs campaign material from recent federal and State elections in terms of message and intended audience. It notes the dangers of political discourse based on manipulation of highly charged symbols such as the family, the flag and the nation.

The second half of the paper analyses some of the implications of using the family as a focus for social policy. It examines the contradictions between social policy based on the treatment of the family as an undifferentiated unit and policy which recognises the importance of interfamily and intrafamily inequalities. It looks at issues raised by family policy as a focus for redistribution and provision of services on the one hand, and as a means of reducing public expenditure and reinforcing dependence on male family heads on the other. The stress on the importance of the family is rarely accompanied by a comparable dedication to assessing the role of unpaid caring work in the economy or to achieving equal opportunity for workers with family responsibilities.     

20世纪80年代的四川考古

二十世纪80年代前后被称为＂中国考古的黄金时代＂,四川考古跟上时代步伐,进行了一批目的性较强的工作,围绕人类起源、文明起源、区系类型、文化序列等课题,取得不少成果,初步构建了四川考古文化的主要阶段,为探讨以巴蜀文化为中心的古文化发展进程和具体形态打下了基础。     

论20世纪七八十年代日本的石油危机对策

面对突如其来的石油危机 ,日本首先在对外政策上采取稳住石油供应对策 ,放弃对阿以冲突的“中立”政策 ,采取支持阿拉伯国家的“亲阿拉伯”政策 ,加强同中东产油国关系。随着石油危机的缓解 ,日本又积极开展国际合作 ,与西方石油消费大国共同合作避免石油危机再度袭来。与此同时 ,日本在对内政策上大力开展调整主要产业结构对策 ,放弃以重化学工业为主的产业结构 ,发展低能耗、高科技产业 ,力争从根本上摆脱石油危机的困扰。     

Tracing children’s politics

This article sets out to conceptualize children’s political agency and the spaces of children’s politics by addressing children’s politics in official settings and everyday contexts. The study is based on research concerning child and youth policies and the politics played out in children’s everyday life practices. To demonstrate how childhood policies typically seek to involve children in politics, we discuss recent legislative developments related to building a parliamentary apparatus for children’s participation in Finland. We propose that not all children are able to, or willing to, participate actively in this kind of political action, and that all issues important to children can not be processed through (semi)official arenas such as school councils, children’s parliaments and civic organizations. Thus, we agree with scholarship portraying children as political agents also in their everyday environments and on their own terms. To further conceptualize these mundane politics, we propose a model for identifying different modes and spaces of children’s agency in terms of political involvement and political presence. We conclude by discussing the challenges of studying everyday political geographies in childhood.     

KOR and the transformation of polish politics in the 1970s

It has been widely observed that the pattern of dissenting and oppositional activity in Poland had changed considerably by the early 1980s. While in the 1950s and 1960s it was characterised by spontaneity, lack of programme and strategy, the opposite holds true in the 1980s. Till the second half of the 1970s dissent in Poland was spasmodic and short‐lived, intertwined with relatively long periods of social calm and inactivity.

In the mid‐1980s the Poles have become highly politicised people, the previously common political apathy, to a great extent, has disappeared. Clandestine political organisations, inimical towards the communist state, abound. The number of free, uncensored publications can be counted in hundreds if not thousands. In the early 1980s there existed officially in Poland a free trade union which in fact performed some political activity as well. For this and other reasons it was suppressed, however the struggle to restore its official activity continues.

Nothing of that nature has happened in any other communist state. Poland seems to be the odd man out in the communist world. Political crises occur there more often than anywhere else in Eastern Europe. The period of official activity of the trade union Solidarity has usually been called the ‘Polish Revolution’ due to the seriousness of the crisis in that country.

The aim of the paper is to trace the changing pattern of dissent and opposition among the Polish intellectuals exemplified by the activity of the Workers’ Defence Committee KOR. It argues that the Polish intellectuals gathered in KOR influenced in a significant way the Polish crisis of the 1980s. The KOR group considerably contributed to the emergence of Solidarity, it also helped to shape its activity and articulate its demands.     

Archaeology of the 1980s through the objectives of the 1970s.

In the author's view the contemporary detente and the spirit of Helsinki may spread historical optimism like that established after the end of World War I. The likeness of mentality leads to a retreat in fashion everywhere, and archaeology will hardly be an exception. Like some others the author also predicts an archaeological structuralism and considers its possible realization with respect to the ‘damned question’ of archaeology ‐ the change of cultures. There has here been sounded an unexpected call to dig less, and one more expected ‐ to theorize more.     

Pressure groups and Australian health policymaking in the 1980s

In March 1983 the new Labor government was in a position to implement its health policies, including its promised revival of the community health program. Although funds were allocated, substantive issues of policy remained. Various parties at interest could agree on general principles but differed on operational meanings, means, and priorities. Seventy‐five groups whose leaders were interviewed devised an array of organizational strategies to influence policy development. These included reworking their own priorities and internal structures, developing media strategies, and changing their relations with outside organizations. The more successful groups, at least in the short term, tended to be older and larger.     

The globalisation process and the Eastern bloc countries in the 1970s and 1980s

This article examines the position of the Eastern Bloc countries in the economic globalisation which spread in the last third of the twentieth century. The main emphasis is on the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Therefore two significant dimensions of economic globalisation have been selected: trade and capital-market transactions. The first part of this paper provides an outline of globalisation processes and their causes during the 1970s and 1980s. The second part deals with the role of Eastern bloc countries in globalisation trends, including an examination of the motivations and intentions behind their foreign-trade operations. This becomes the basis to explore the attitude of Eastern bloc countries to the institutions of globalisation (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT], the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank). As it turns out, it seems questionable whether the Eastern bloc countries had ever been able actively to determine the conditions of globalisation. They probably only had an influence as their very existence presented a line of demarcation to the global world: because of their own policies and because of the defence reactions of the West.     

20世纪80年代中国史学发展若干趋势

20世纪80年代中国史学发生了深刻的变化。直到今天,我们仍对其巨大变革感到惊异。80年代初,十年浩劫刚刚结束,受“四人帮”干扰较大的史学立即陷入空前的危机之中。一场前所未有的对旧历史写作理论和方法的全面检讨开始了。与此同时,对中国封建社会长期停滞问题再次展开了热烈讨论。到80年代后期,文化传统与现代化问题成为历史学界,乃至其他人文社会科学界所共同关注的重要问题,并由此导致文化史和社会史的兴起。在20世纪行将结束的时候,回顾和总结80年代史学思潮的更迭,分析其出现的背景原因及其对20世纪中国史学发展的影响,不仅对研究中国…     

20世纪七八十年代引滦工程决策历程

水资源短缺一直制约着京津唐地区经济和社会的发展。20世纪70年代,因缺水引发的经济、社会问题逐渐凸显,促使中央和地方政府开始考虑实施跨流域调水工程。引滦工程作为北方最大的跨流域调水工程,其决策经历了曲折的过程。1958年,北京和唐山曾分别提出引滦河水的设想,唐山还实施了引滦入还和引还入陡工程。1972年,海河流域大旱促使中央做出加快实施引滦工程的决定,但由于地质情况复杂等原因,引滦工程设计方案被反复修改。1981年,天津提出了单独引滦济津路线并得到了中央的支持。引滦工程对缓解京津唐用水紧张发挥了重要作用,天津是引滦工程受益最大的地区。     

20世纪七八十年代国史研究学术建制的发展历程

"文革"结束后至当代中国研究所成立前,是国史研究学术建制的探索完成时期.这个时期,国史研究学术建制的发展历程大致分三个阶段:第一阶段,自"文革"结束至中共十一届三中全会开始前,胡乔木提出"赶快着手研究"中华人民共和国史,中国社科院成立现代史研究室;第二阶段,中共十一届三中全会结束后至1982年底,编写《当代中国》丛书启动,中国社科院拟成立现代史研究所的建议未被采纳;第三阶段,自1983年至1990年底,以当代中国研究所成立为标志,国史研究学术建制取得实质性进展.学界在探索完成国史研究学术建制的十余年时间里,始终贯穿着明确的学术自觉意识.这是完成国史研究学术建制的重要思想保证.