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ABSTRACT

The articulation of ethical responsibility can be conceived as a condition of ethical practice that brings into being a human subject to whom we owe consideration, and the reverse must also hold: we are brought into being – subjectified – through these relational connections. But can these connections exist between human and non-human subjects? In this short paper, we analyse the representation of artificially intelligent machines in the popular television series Westworld and the movie Ex Machina and elaborate on the boundary between human and non-human as a complex and contested ethical space. We argue that taking popular cultural representations of machine learning seriously can offer significant insight into how futures of human subjectivity and ethicopolitical responsibility might unfold. (117 words)  相似文献   

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《Public Archaeology》2013,12(3):163-180
Abstract

Weathering and deterioration of Norwegian rock art has become an increasing area of concern over the last decade, with subsequent increasing efforts towards conservation. This has brought questions onto the agenda regarding the ethics and politics involved in conservation theory and practice. It is argued that such issues have been difficult to debate due to the concept of conservation being regarded as a legal and moral ideal. Referring the situation in Norway to ongoing global debates and perspectives regarding rock art conservation enables us to reveal and discuss some of the fundamental and complex philosophical issues involved. Notions of authenticity which implicitly underlie attitudes to rock art conservation are questioned, and the relationship between ‘green’ politics and rock art conservation is also discussed. A tendency towards uniform solutions and avoidance of critical issues, seen as influenced by strong social-democratic political traditions in Scandinavia, is at odds with the growing realization that most approaches to rock art conservation inevitably have unforeseen and frequently undesired consequences. Rather than further segmenting ethics, politics or practices in rock art conservation, a self-critical and reflective approach is suggested whereby changing concepts of ethics and authenticity are continuously debated.

Aucune loi ne pourra jamais préserver la sacralité d'un lieu … si ce n'est une loi morale, non écrite,adoptée et respectée par chaque individu, un véritable code personnel d'éthique.

(Soleilhavoup, 1994: 14)  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(1):37-59
Abstract

Postliberals have hailed H. Richard Niebuhr's The Meaning of Revelation as a harbinger of narrative theology. A careful reading of Niebuhr's argument, however, suggests a theological ethic that is at once attentive to the narrative formation of agency and yet distinct from postliberalism because of its attention to the divine object of Christians' stories. Niebuhr's theocentrism yields a view of narrative as opened from the inside because it requires appropriation of what he calls "external" narratives in order to do justice to the sovereignty of God. The result is a theological ethic which is sharply critical of modern conceptions of agency and yet continually sifted by contemporary insights and experience.  相似文献   

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Naturalistic evolution, refined and propagated by Darwin and explored in its social implications by Spencer, proved to be unacceptable to many theorists as a criterion of ethical and political conduct. It is contended that a second variation of evolutionary theory self‐consciously severed the connection between nature and ethics, while a third attempted to synthesise these antithetical theories. Each conception of evolution was capable of generating a variety of political conclusions, none of which were logically necessary. It was the tendency in the third, however, to personify the state and endow it with moral agency, which provided the justification for greater state intervention in the promotion of social and educational reforms.  相似文献   

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中国封建社会的税收制度延续两千多年,到民国北京政府时期已被废弃,但新的资本主义税收制度还没有建立起来,财政税收特别混乱,致使北京政府根本没有什么税收可言,只能靠借债度日。南京国民政府成立后,极力改变这种状况,大力进行税制改革。宋子文出任财长时,基本上完成国、地税收系统的划分,并同时进行了对中央税收制度的改革。孔祥熙接任财长后,又对地方税收制度进行整顿和改革。在他们的精心策划和推动下,中国的资本主义财政税收制度已初步建立起来。一、对中央税制的整顿和改革宋子文出任财长后,首先划分了中央和地方财政收支…  相似文献   

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Summary

This essay closely examines the highly contested but widely employed historiographical category ‘absolutism’. Why are scholars so divided on whether it is even legitimate to use the term and, if they agree to do so, why are they still much at odds in explaining what it is? What are the main historiographical currents in the study of absolutism? Is it the same thing to speak of absolutism in regard to the practices of early modern European monarchies and with reference to the political ideas of so-called absolutist theorists? By addressing these questions through the methodology of intellectual history, this essay provides a comprehensive account of debates on absolutism and, at the same time, suggests that further work needs to be carried out on its theoretical aspects. In this respect, the author will propose a series of key ideas and principles which are meant to encapsulate the core of an early modern doctrine of absolutist monarchical sovereignty. It will also be argued that, when studying political thought, the term ‘absolutism’ might be abandoned in favour of the plural ‘absolutisms’ as a better way of understanding the past, its languages, opinions, people. In so doing, a thorough analysis of what political absolutism(s) is will be set forth, and a series of more general considerations on history-writing will also be advanced.  相似文献   

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This paper considers T.H. Green's theory of property in relation to recent studies of late nineteenth and early twentieth century liberal democratic thought. It is argued that neither the ‘Marxist’ spectacles worn by C.B. Macpherson nor the ‘Whiggish’ ones of Melvin Richter, Peter Clarke and Stefan Collini produce very clear or accurate images of Green's political philosophy. Macpherson's Green appears on close examination as yet another possessive individualist, while the ‘Whigs’ take a turn of the century standpoint and describe Green as holding positions that are ambivalent and fit awkwardly into the categories of individualism/ collectivism. In the remainder of the paper it is argued Green's property theory is best understood by focussing on his interest in the relationship between social life and personal development. By drawing on Green's published and unpublished writings it can be shown that Green's idea of personal development could be expressed in other language than that of economic individualism and that it cut across the individualist/collectivist categories in terms of which it is often discussed.  相似文献   

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This article examines Soviet reproductive politics after the Communist regime legalized abortion in 1955. The regime's new abortion policy did not result in an end to the condemnation of abortion in official discourse. The government instead launched an extensive campaign against abortion. Why did authorities bother legalizing the procedure if they still disapproved of it so strongly? Using archival sources, public health materials, and medical as well as popular journals to investigate the antiabortion campaign, this article argues that the Soviet government sought to regulate gender and sexuality through medical intervention and health "education" rather than prohibition and force in the post-Stalin era. It also explores how the antiabortion public health campaign produced "knowledge" not only about the procedure and its effects, but also about gender and sexuality, subjecting both women and men to new pressures and regulatory norms.  相似文献   

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Starting from a body of literature on movements around "biological citizenship," this article analyses the political significance of HIV-positive people's collective action in Tanzania. We explore reasons for the limited impact of Tanzanian AIDS activism on the wider political scene, concluding that the formation of a "movement" is still in its infancy and faces many constraints, though some breakthroughs have been made. Participation in PLHA groups in Tanzania encourages politicizing struggles over representation, democratic forms and gender that can lead to a process of political socialization in which members learn to recognize and confront abuses of power. It is in such low-level, less visible social transformations that the greatest potential of participation in collective action around HIV/AIDS in Tanzania lies.  相似文献   

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This project is focused on the long-term constitutive elements of presidential discourse; in other words, how rhetoric helps frame and determine national identity. Seemingly innocuous, and appearing in both ceremonial and policy addresses, presidential language concerning national identity helps shape the context, and thus sets the terms for more substantive, issue-laden debates. While one cannot measure the impact of this type of rhetoric in terms of specific issues and time frames, its influence is apparent in a broader and more diffuse perspective. This research compares the public rhetoric of presidents William H. Taft and Richard M. Nixon specifically in terms of their definitions of national identity. Both Republicans, albeit with very different political contexts and time periods, exhibited marked similarities in their strategies for defining the American polity, particularly with respect to their view of the president as the national representative, the idea that the nation is a unified whole, the belief that the nation follows the greatest good for the greatest number, the belief that each citizen occupies a natural place in the hierarchy of American society, and finally, the conviction that liberty is the most important foundational value of the country. The evidence suggests that rhetorical conceptions of national identity are important over time in the United States. Enjoying a broad audience, the president has the ability to shape national debate according to which groups and issues he includes or excludes from the polity.  相似文献   

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