德国殖民统治下青岛社会风气与民俗的变迁(1897-1914)

德国在1897-1914年对青岛进行了为期17年的殖民统治,对青岛这一时期的社会风气和民风民俗产生了重要的影响。德国殖民当局对胶澳区域内的西方人和华人实行"华洋分治",对华人的管制涉及社会生活的广泛层面。在法令规章和司法惩罚下,青岛区的中国人生活在限制与监视下,开始学习适应新的生活环境。同时也尝试进行反抗,华人社会保留下了一些民俗传统、获得一定程度的参与政治管理的机会。青岛华人社会在德国殖民统治下的改变和反抗,使得青岛华人社会呈现出不同于中国内地其他地区的德华生活方式合流的态势,也使得青岛在今天呈现出不同于其他中国城市的面貌。这种影响,既作用于德国统治的17年,也持续发挥影响于德国殖民统治结束后的各个历史时期。     

浅析德占时期青岛中西建筑文化的碰撞与交融

青岛由于历史原因保存有大量的德国建筑,是研究近代德国建筑的重要基地。同时,德国建筑思想的传入必然会与青岛当地的传统建筑思想发生碰撞。本文主要通过简述德占青岛时期的部分典型建筑来说明中德建筑思想文化的碰撞与交融,分析中德建筑的异同,从而对青岛德式建筑的保护提供意见。     

曾经的青岛

自1898年德国开始规划建设“胶澳商埠”以来,青岛至今也不过百余年的历史。青岛的洋气和文化,资本有两个,一是保存着一批文化名人的旧居;二是拥有大片中国传统的四合院和欧洲式小楼相结合的里院。 这些名人旧居和中下层平民建筑体现着19世纪末、20世纪初青岛人生活特有的韵味和风情。它们很文化,也很西化。     

园艺景观展示主题性表述——以2014年青岛世界园艺博览会区域设计为例

主题思想是展示性景观的中心与灵魂,是场地的文化存量。根据主题营造的高质量的景观,除表达其原有的主题思想外,还可以展现出超越景观本身的能量,而被赋予更高的意义与价值。园艺景观展示的主题表达可从多方面入手,如植物种类、形态、色彩的使用,景观设计的意境表达,环境搭配中的材料运用,以及景观规划的线条构架等都是合理表达主题思想的有效手段。以2014园艺博览会区域设计为例,从选址、分区、细化到几天前开展的细节,处处都可体现展会“让生活走进自然”的主题思想。科学地、合理地、创新地提出了设计的理论思想并从青岛园艺博览会中得到例证。     

日据吉林时期的文化专制与奴化教育

日本在长期侵略中国吉林乃至东北的过程中,不仅在军事上以武力野蛮屠杀,在经济上进行疯狂掠夺,同时,为了摧毁中国人民的民族意识与抗日精神,对广大沦陷区的文教事业进行了疯狂的破坏,并强制推行奴化教育政策。日本对我国东北的文化侵略是其推行“大陆政策”的重要内容,也是极其野蛮、残酷和不可忽视的。在十余年的殖民统治岁月里,日本的军事侵略、经济掠夺和政治统治,总是伴随着文化渗透和文化专制而进行的。     

青岛地名小考

地名青岛,在不同时期,涵义也有所不同。"青岛"从一个海中小岛,到一个渔村——青岛村,逐渐发展成为海湾小镇,最终成为繁华的港口城市"青岛市"。青岛城市形成与发展的过程,可以说是"青岛"称谓由海洋向陆地转移的过程。探寻地名"青岛"的来由始末,追溯"青岛"的演变历程。使我们从新的视角对青岛进行解读。     

美国殖民统治时期菲律宾的华文教育

美国占领菲律宾后,为了维护其殖民统治,大力发展"美式"教育,扶助开办公立学校,并支持兴办私立学校。华侨利用这"有利"条件,在中华民族悠久文化情结的感召下,倡导开办私立华侨学校。美国殖民统治菲律宾时期的华文教育的兴起与繁荣客观上得益于当局为维护其殖民统治所奉行的相对"自由"的教育政策,对华侨社会认同中华文化及加强与祖国的联系发挥了极其重要的作用。美国殖民统治结束后,华文教育在菲律宾虽然历遭坎坷与曲折,但这一时期奠定的华文教育基础却很难从根本上动摇。广大华侨保持着深厚的民族文化意识,一旦局势改变,华文教育便会兴起。这是美国殖民时期华文教育取得的巨大成就所致,这种影响在如今的华文教育中依然清晰可见。     

康有为若干墨迹研究

康有为是二十世纪书法艺术史上的一位大家,在理论与创作上都卓有建树,其书法风格独到,史称“康体”。青岛康有为故居纪念馆藏有十余幅康有为书法真迹,代表了其晚年书法艺术的成就。本文通过对其中一批作品的解析,阐释了康有为晚年的精神世界,特别是他与青岛深厚的人文渊源关系。     

浅析梁启超办报思想及其对青岛近代报业的影响

梁启超作为中国近代报业巨子,在中国近代报界驰骋20余年,是中国近代报刊事业的立言者与重要立规者,本文将梳理梁启超的办报生涯,阐述其办报思想,并探讨其对青岛近代报业发展产生的重要影响。     

海水浴场与民国时期青岛的城市生活

海水浴场作为滨海城市独有的公共空间,丰富了公众的休闲文化活动形式,延展了生活空间。青岛海水浴场在建构城市空间中的作用尤为突出,它不仅为青岛带来了城市声望,还提供了一个地方政治的舞台,城市是政府行使市政权力、实施社会控制的一个特别场所,同时,它日也渐成为青岛市民日常生活的一部分,慢慢融入到民众的生活观念和行为习惯中,并促进了新形式的人际交往和新型社会关系的出现,催生了一种新的城市文化生活样式,成为构建城市空间和社会生活的创造性力量。     

Cultural fingerprints – the legacy of cultural values in the current cultural policy agenda in Germany

This paper explores the historical roots of cultural values as a prerequisite for German cultural policy. With reference to current investigations of the social impact of the arts, the analysis is based within the framework of the history of ideas and focuses on three concepts: the common base of culture, nation of culture and culture as a state aim. The author argues that the transformative positive powers of culture are linked in a complex system of historically grown intellectual alliances while directing current policy thinking. As a consequence the positive impact of culture in society is strengthened over time and remains unquestioned by actors in the cultural sector.     

魏玛共和国犹太人的德国认同

魏玛共和国犹太人在政治、文化和宗教生活方式上都表现出高度的德国认同。德国犹太人的这种国家认同既有重要的历史基础,也是现实的需要和客观环境压力的结果。魏玛共和国犹太人的德国认同突出表现在两个方面:一是将犹太教、犹太文化限定于宗教和文化的而非民族的层面,从而减少其与"德国国家认同"的冲突;二是强调犹太人与德国主流民族、语言、文化和历史的紧密关系。犹太人的德国认同对其族群产生了重要影响:犹太族群中发展出了对东方犹太人的歧视;排斥犹太复国主义;低估反犹主义的危害,以致对大规模地迫害、屠杀犹太人缺乏预见性等。     

工业化冲击下的德意志帝国对外贸易及其政策

德意志帝国时期,工业逐步确立起在德国经济中的主导地位。由于工业化的冲击,德意志帝国时期的对外贸易量和外贸结构都发生了巨大变化,德国逐渐成为外向型经济国家。与此同时,德国的对外贸易政策也出现了因时而进的调整。     

德国史学家关于第一次世界大战战争责任问题的争论

在德国史学界,关于第一次世界大战战争责任问题一直是有争议的。20世纪20-30年代,主要针对《凡尔赛和约》的相关宣判,一部分德国史学家编辑出版了大量外交档案,极力为德国开脱责任,从而在国际上引起激烈争论。20世纪50年代末、60年代初,汉堡史学家弗里茨.菲舍尔以其论述德国战争目标的论文,对德法两国一度达成的一致意见提出质问,再次引发激烈争论。这些争论既与国际国内政治局势的变化密切联系,也与参与者的政治态度和民族情感息息相关。时至今日,不同观点依然存在,只是研究重点发生了明显转移,研究方法也出现了较大更新。     

‘Caught’ between foreign cultural and development policies: perspectives of German Studies and German as a foreign language in Africa

The promotion of the German language abroad and of German Studies plays a central role in German Foreign Cultural Policy. With regard to Sub-Saharan Africa, otherwise a peripheral region for foreign policy, German as foreign language is firmly established as second language after English. Learners especially in Francophone West and Central Africa have increased over the past decade. Numerous funding programmes and actions are supported by German nongovernmental organizations at college/university levels. But bilateral cooperation between German and African academic institutions are challenged both by negative perceptions of the ‘Global South’ among Western colleagues and by an infrastructure adverse to research and to career development in most African countries. Additionally, North/South relations are traditionally seen in terms of (under-)development by German institutions, effecting cooperation. The paper develops a differentiated picture of African Studies in Africa, and outlines benefits that can be attained through collaboration ‘at eye-level’.     

PUBLIC‐PRIVATE SUPPORT OF THE ARTS AND GERMAN CULTURAL POLICY

This paper provides a historical context for thinking about Germany’s recent embrace of sponsorship and private donations as a means of supporting education and the arts. The paper notes that the chief architect of a new national cultural policy, Michael Naumann, has justified a turn to public‐private collaborative arts funding with the argument that a market‐driven model of private responsibility for the arts stimulates greater citizen involvement in civic life and thus greater democracy. Yet Naumann has not reconciled this argument with Germany’s own history, in particular the fact that Germany’s Golden Age of private support of the arts coincided with the authoritarian German Empire (1871–1918). My analysis of this historical constellation, presented as a case study of one of Germany’s most important museum directors, Wilhelm Bode (1845–1929), argues that private support of the arts formed part of a larger strategy designed to wrest control of arts institutions away from traditional elites. My essay seeks to show that the rise of more responsive public forums was intended to make the fruits of German imperialism and economic domination available to more Germans, particularly middle class Germans. On this basis, the essay suggests two things. First, German imperialist society was less hierarchical and more broadly participatory than is often assumed, complicating its ability to figure as a negative foil today. Second, the harnessing of market forces to German culture was expected to deepen popular appreciation for chauvinistic conceptions of German nationalism that today seem to conflict with what German democracy might ideally be. With these points in mind, I contend not that sponsorship and private donations are incapable of promoting greater public involvement in the arts. Rather, the private sector might yield more democratic outcomes when publicly funded democratic institutions retain a strong voice in the direction of culture.     

Vico: Past and present

In 1935, the British scholar Eliza M. Butler published The Tyranny of Greece Over Germany, in which she explored the appeal of Greek art and poetry to modern German writers. She argued that Hellenism had exerted a baleful influence on German literature and culture, and that Germans were especially—even dangerously—susceptible to the power of ideas. In her view, the most dangerous Hellenic concept to German culture and society was the daimon, which had reached Germany via the work of Winckelmann. Butler's thesis and methods may be problematic, as some reviewers of Tyranny pointed out, but her work is noteworthy as the product of a scholar who had lived in Germany and was a witness to history, familiar with German language, literature, and culture, writing on Germany during difficult times. As a British scholar who began studying German just before World War I and ended her career after World War II, Butler had an ambivalent relationship with Germany and Germans. But in addition to political factors, she was also influenced by her family, her educational and research experiences in Germany, and her preference for 18th- and 19th-century over 20th-century Germans. Moreover, her perception of Germans and Germanness was consistently posed against her perception of England and Englishness, and she defined the two cultural identities in terms of their relation to each other. Writing Tyranny as the National Socialists came to power in Germany, Butler judged Germans and their relationship to the daimon harshly. In 1956, Butler reconsidered the daimonic in a study of Byron and Goethe, and in this work it received a more sympathetic and nuanced analysis. A comparison of these two works is useful for understanding the evolution of Butler's thought in the 20-year interval between their publication.     

Nazi Leaks and Intrigues in Second World War Ankara: the Plot to Send Herbert Melzig to a Concentration Camp

This article excavates one of the stranger episodes that took place in the transnational microcosm of the German expatriate world in Ankara and Istanbul during the Second World War. ‘Professor’ Herbert Melzig's story, the ‘Melzig affair’, illustrates how this microcosm, with its very different constituent members - Jewish and non-Jewish refugees from Nazism, German pro-Nazi expatriates, and an extensive embassy and Nazi Party network - acted as a conduit in German–Turkish relations, albeit one that produced unexpected results. This ‘Melzig affair’ sheds new light on the German presence in Second World War Turkey as well as the so-called German ‘exile on the Bosporus’ as it has been (re-)constructed and used in recent years; it also contributes to our understanding of Turkish foreign policy during the Second World War, especially regarding Turkey's reluctance to join the war on Hitler's side. At the end of the Melzig affair stood the ‘leaking’ of an internal Ministry of Propaganda memorandum. It prepared the ground for further leaks of this nature and was one of the turning points of public opinion in Turkey against the Third Reich.     

制度转型的多样性因素及关系分析——魏玛共和国和联邦德国民主试验的经验比较

民主政治制度的稳定运行不仅需要合理的制度安排和稳定的经济发展,更需要与之相适应的政治文化。魏玛共和国民主试验的失败是其制度设计上的重大缺陷、经济上的失败及政治文化转型迟滞的复合性后果,而联邦德国民主制度的成功运作,则得益于它精致完备的制度安排、成功的经济与社会发展和努力培育与民主政治相适应的公民文化。因此,制度转型与文化转型具有内在的深层互动关系,政府效能和合法性与政治文化特质高度关联,而文化转型则是一个渐进发展的长期过程。     

德国与中日甲午战争

1894—1895年中日甲午战争的爆发,给正处于外交转型中的德国提出了挑战也带来了机遇,德国一改过去只关注经济利益而避免卷入政治纷争的传统立场,开始介入远东的权力角逐,这也成为德国远东政策的一个重要分水岭。战争初期,德国表面采取超脱的中立姿态,多次拒绝清政府与英、俄等国的调停提议,实质是鼓励或偏袒日本的战争行为。由于担心战争可能对远东利益格局乃至欧洲地缘政治产生不利于德国的变化,且出于帝国主义追求海外殖民地的贪婪和防范东方文明崛起的"欧洲中心主义",在战争后期、中日谈判及"三国干涉还辽"期间,德国大幅度调整政策,积极推动并参与"三国干涉还辽"。尽管很难明确判定哪项动机发挥了决定性作用,但这不影响我们得出"德国是三国干涉还辽的积极推动者与重要参与者"的结论。研究这一案例,有助于认识此时期德国在远东的外交以及在战争中所扮演的角色。