Richard of Cornwall's candidature for the German throne and the christmas 1256 parliament at Westminster

Some months after the death of the German king William of Holland in 1256, Richard of Cornwall, with obvious help from King Henry III (but not initially with the support of the pope), decided to enter the contest for the German throne. His methods, including the use of his funds on a large scale, are well known, but Richard and Henry also contrived to deceive the English magnates about their plans. They told the barons at a meeting at the end of the year 1256 that Richard had already been elected king (which was manifestly untrue) and that only their consent was missing. This was a device to foil the expected resistance by the magnates, who were already opposing Henry's increasingly costly Sicilian adventure.     

Sorcery at court and manor: Margery Jourdemayne, the witch of Eye next Westminster

Margery Jourdemayne, the ‘witch of Eye next Westminster’, Eleanor, duchess of Gloucester, and three scholars of the ducal household were foremost amongst those accused of treasonable witchcraft in 1441. The paper explores Margery's part in this episode, and then examines her background: her husband William came from a prosperous Middlesex yeoman family living at Acton, and he himself was a manorial official on Westminster Abbey's Ebury (Eye) estate.     

The Armada Tapestries in the Old Palace of Westminster

The tapestry series of the ‘Defeat of the Spanish Armada’ was a national artistic treasure which hung in the old Palace of Westminster from the mid 17th century until the fire of 1834. This article outlines the creation of the tapestries in the 1590s and covers the major treatments of them in illustrations of parliamentary interiors and in John Pine's 1739 engravings; it ends with a short account of the curious episode of the tapestry which escaped the conflagration. In the absence of any known historical record of how the tapestries were displayed, suggestions are offered about how many and in what order they hung in the two chambers occupied successively by the house of lords (before and after 1801), and about how they were physically supported on the walls of the Parliament Chamber.     

The Peace of God,the ‘weakness’ of Robert the Pious and the struggle for the German throne, 1023–5

The author of The Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai accused Bishops Berold of Soissons and Warin of Beauvais of overstepping the boundaries of episcopal authority and usurping royal rights by promoting the Peace of God and attributed their initiative to the weakness of King Robert the Pious. This paper argues that the author was misrepresenting the situation to hide the vulnerability of the bishop of Cambrai during the succession of Conrad II. Instead, Berold and Warin's peace council was patronized by Robert the Pious and was a symptom of French royal assertiveness in the period 1023–5. The reasons for the Cambrai author's distortions are to be found in the significance of kings in the rallying of support on a local and regional level.     

秦楚丹阳大战与淅川吉岗楚墓

本文根据文献记载,记述了战国中晚期之际秦楚丹阳大战的情况,论证了丹阳的地望在丹淅会合处,进而认为,丹江口水库东岸的吉岗楚墓就是秦楚丹阳大战时楚国阵亡军士的墓地。     

Celestine V,Boniface VIII and the authority of parliament

During the troubled pontificates of Celestine V and Boniface VIII, publicists argued that because general councils of the Church represented the whole congregation of the faithful, they had the power to remove a pope found guilty of crimes ranging from obdurate heresy to personal insufficiency. In 1327, Isabella and Mortimer based much of the justification for their deposition of Edward II on these newly popularized ideas. Nevertheless, since these theories were for them very much rationalizations of the moment, they were quickly abandoned, with the result that Edward III's parliaments look little different from Edward I's, though in more mature form. In 1399, however, Henry IV was forced to rely on the precedent of 1327 when supplanting Richard II. Because the then-prevalent conciliar theories generated by the great schism gave even greater immediacy to the ones which had explained that first deposition, and because Henry's approach was many times to be imitated in the depositions of the fifteenth century, parliament began to take on the character of a corpus mysticum, one which could speak with the authority not just of the king, but of God and the realm. This background may shed light on some of the reasons for Henry VIII's success in using parliamentary statute to break with Rome, and it may even have contributed to some of the parliamentary positions expressed during the seventeenth-century struggles with the crown.     

The hidden apocalypse: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the otherworld

At the centre of this article stands a letter written by Abbot Richard of Saint-Vanne sometime during the first quarter of the eleventh century. The letter describes two voyages to the otherworld taken by two monks at the abbey of Saint-Vaast in Arras in 1011 and 1012. A careful reading of the letter reveals that behind what appears to be a standard text, belonging to the very popular genre of otherworld journeys, hides an apocalyptic message of urgent warning that the world is about to reach its end. The letter thus serves as a prooftext for the existence of apocalyptic tension in the period between A.D. 1000 and A.D. 1033, and as such contributes to the ongoing debate regarding the ‘terrors of the year 1000’.     

The hidden apocalypse: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the otherworld

At the centre of this article stands a letter written by Abbot Richard of Saint-Vanne sometime during the first quarter of the eleventh century. The letter describes two voyages to the otherworld taken by two monks at the abbey of Saint-Vaast in Arras in 1011 and 1012. A careful reading of the letter reveals that behind what appears to be a standard text, belonging to the very popular genre of otherworld journeys, hides an apocalyptic message of urgent warning that the world is about to reach its end. The letter thus serves as a prooftext for the existence of apocalyptic tension in the period between A.D. 1000 and A.D. 1033, and as such contributes to the ongoing debate regarding the ‘terrors of the year 1000’.     

Fichte and the German Idiom: the Metaphysics of the Addresses to the German Nation

This article argues against the dominant Anglophone and Francophone interpretation of Fichte, which reads him as advancing either a form of ethnic or cultural nationalism. It claims that what is missing from the current reception of Fichte is the essentially philosophical and cosmopolitan character of his nationalism – the fact that the Addresses to the German Nation uses non‐empirical and cosmopolitical concepts to develop and articulate its nationalistic viewpoint. It therefore claims that the notion of a national philosophical idiom that the Addresses present, far from being a screen for its nationalism, is its driving engine. It does this by considering the problems of translating the German locution ist unsers Geschlechts. Consequently, it is claimed that the cosmo‐nationalism of Fichte is not reducible to a set of claims regarding ethnicity or even the empirical world, even if a discourse on the organismic, on what counts as life, irreducibly haunts the Addresses.     

河南平顶山应国玉器的分析测试研究

本文对13件河南平顶山应国墓地出土的玉器残片进行了测试分析,结果表明:透闪石玉是应国玉器的主要玉种,不同材质的玉器均受到一定程度的风化,其中,蛇纹石玉器普遍受沁严重,较透闪石玉器受沁为深,且受沁严重的透闪石玉器与蛇纹石玉器在外观上有很大的相似性;所有玉器表面均附着朱砂,可能当时人们已经认识到朱砂的防虫防腐功能.     

舒城九里墩墓年代与国别考

舒城九里墩墓中出土有一批战国早期青铜器物,下葬年代为公元前445年之后。墓中所出的青铜礼器具有典型的楚文化特征,墓主人应为战国早期楚国贵族,今舒城可能为其封地;墓中虽亦出蔡、钟离二国器物,但此二国距舒城甚远、时代亦不符,可能为楚灭蔡、钟离二国后所得战利品。     

论德意志帝国政府对劳工问题的调节

德意志帝国时期,快速工业化进程使得劳工问题日渐突出,德意志帝国政府采取立法与行政手段对劳工问题进行了全面调节,形成了比较系统的劳工问题调节机制。德意志帝国对劳工问题的调节,缓解了社会矛盾,对德国经济、政治、社会的整体协调发展产生了持久而深刻的影响。     

虢国墓地车马坑出土的车及其相关问题

自20世纪50年代以来,三门峡虢国墓地已发现了50多辆随葬车.本文着重讨论这些车的性质问题和社会意义,认为其制造技术是非常先进的,这批车大部分为战车,反映了当时的车马使用等级制度.     

山东日照首次发现春秋时期樊国铭文青铜器

今日照市春秋时属莒国领域。2008年3月日照市东港区首次发现春秋时期樊国铭文青铜器,这是继山东发现黄国太子伯克盆、陈国大丧史仲高钟铜器后的又一次新发现,为研究春秋时期莒国与樊国的关系提供了重要依据。     

德国承认伪满问题与国民政府的外交方针

1932年伪满洲国成立后,国民政府一直希望各友好国家不予承认,对有着重要政治、军事及经济联系的德国,更是抱有期待,甚至不惜作"依德和日反苏"之试探。但德国在纳粹上台并逐步集权后,日益将对日外交置于对华外交之上,终在1938年2月宣布承认伪满。正处于对日抗战重要关头的国民政府为继续争取德国军援,对此一再忍让,但稍后德国又禁运军火、强制撤退在华军事顾问。处此外交重压之下,这时力求在对德、对苏外交中保持相对平衡的国民政府一度表示了更为坚定的联苏决心。     

从考古与历史的整合看中原文明起源的方式

在夏王国的起源中,没有受到任何外来的或内部的暴力干涉,是直接从氏族社会中产生的。同古雅典国家的起源一样,夏王国的起源也是国家起源的另一种最纯粹、最典型的形式。     

中原、南方政权对高句丽的管辖册封及高句丽改称高丽时间考

高句丽民族是我国东北地区的古老少数民族之一。公元前37年,高句丽建立政权,但仍和原高句丽族一样,继续归汉玄菟郡或辽东郡管辖。四郡削弱之后,高句丽政权又连续接受中原、南方政权的册封,完全形成了一种惯例和制度。高句丽的名称后改称高丽,改称的时间,严格地说,是在5世纪末。宽而言之。则是5世纪。     

Global finance and the German model: German corporations, market incentives, and the management of employer-sponsored pension institutions

Where there was a settled political geography of state power and responsibilities, the remarkable growth of global finance has put enormous pressure on national economic, political and social institutions. Furthermore, the looming crisis facing many continental European social security systems has raised many doubts about the long-term viability of the German model compared to its Anglo-American rivals. In this context, large German corporations have sought ways of sustaining their global competitiveness by, in part, restructuring their national and regional commitments. To illustrate, in this paper we concentrate on the nature and organization of German employer-sponsored pension institutions in relation to Anglo-American management practice. Two issues drive the analysis. One has to do with an emerging coalition between corporate management and shareholders with respect to the market value of the firm. The second issue has to do with the allocation of risk and uncertainty between the social partners when negotiating the financing and final value of promised retirement income. The institutional framework of collective decision-making common to many of Germany's largest firms is under pressure; three models of investment decision making relevant to pension assets and liabilities are used to illustrate this point. In doing so, we suggest that the German model is more fragile than commonly realized. We also suggest that Anglo-American management practices have penetrated and affected German corporate (national and regional) institutions and regulations. The social market lauded by advocates of stakeholder capitalism is changing rapidly, at least in the sphere of large firms and global finance.     

Relegating Nazism to the Past: Expressions of German Guilt in 1945 and Beyond

This article builds on a research thesis that confronting moralfeelings is essential to an understanding of the catastrophicpolitical success of Nazism in Germany and the way Germany developedafter its defeat in 1945. This research into a ‘moralhistory’ of Nazi Germany and its postwar echoes is carriedout through an interdisciplinary approach that, in essence,combines historical with philosophical analysis. In the immediatepostwar period, Germany continued to be stamped by discussionscentred on moral guilt arising from its Nazi past and from theHolocaust in particular. The article analyses the differentways this guilt was discussed in 1945 and how these discussionsechoed what can be described as a form of Nazi morality. Thearticle uses three main sources to explore these issues: first,the writings and interrogations with the Nazi lawyer and Governor-Generalof Nazi-occupied Poland, Hans Frank; second, the memoirs ofHitler's secretary Traudl Junge; and third, the essay The Questionof German Guilt by Karl Jaspers.     

Richard Oastler,Toryism, Radicalism and the Limitations of Party,c.1807–46

Richard Oastler (1789–1861), the immensely popular and fiery orator who campaigned for factory reform and for the abolition of the new poor law in the 1830s and 1840s, has been relatively neglected by political historians. Few historians, however, have questioned his toryism. As this article suggests, labelling Oastler an ‘ultra‐tory’ or a ‘church and state tory’ obscures more than it reveals. There were also radical strands in Oastler's ideology. There has been a tendency among Oastler's biographers to treat him as unique. By comparing Oastler with other tories – Sadler, Southey, and the young Disraeli – as well as radicals like Cobbett, this article locates him much more securely among his contemporaries. His range of interests were much broader (and more radical) than the historiographical concentration on factory and poor law reform suggests. While there were periods when Oastler's toryism (or radicalism) was more apparent, one of the most consistent aspects of his political career was a distaste for party politics. Far from being unique or a maverick, Oastler personified the pervasive anti‐party sentiments held by the working classes, which for all the historiographical attention paid to popular radicalism and other non‐party movements still tends to get lost in narratives of the ‘rise of party’.