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1.
While it is widely understood that medieval historiographers employed the techniques of rhetorical invention in their work, less attention has been paid to the way in which the standard of plausibility, upon which rhetorical invention was premised, could be reconciled with the historian's traditional obligation to tell the truth. This paper examines the ways in which the rhetorical doctrine of narratio probabilis was understood and put into practice by three authors active around the turn of the millennium: Richer of Saint-Rémi, Dudo of Saint-Quentin, and Adalbero of Laon. All three had been trained in the schools of northern Francia in the late tenth century and all reveal a sophisticated understanding of the doctrines of Ciceronian rhetoric, according to which plausible inventions were not seen to be incompatible with historical truth. 相似文献
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Kevin R Cox 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2004,29(2):179-194
Globalization, and the increased exposure to international competition that it has supposedly induced, has led to expectations of institutional convergence in, among other things, local and regional development policy and the politics surrounding it. There have been changes in the United Kingdom, but not of the decentralizing, neo-liberalizing form anticipated. A comparison of the British with the very different, highly decentralized, American case seeks to shed light on this. Emphasis is placed on both the strongly embedded nature of institutions and on misunderstandings about the strength of the forces of globalization. 相似文献
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Andrew Hanham 《Parliamentary History》2016,35(3):262-297
This article explores the complex circumstances surrounding the foundation of the order of the Bath in 1725, and seeks to correct the commonly‐held view that it was initiated by Walpole simply to augment the patronage available to his supporters in parliament. The proposal for a new order of chivalry based on the medieval ‘knighthood of the bath’ in fact emanated from the court, having been prompted by one of its central figures, the duke of Montagu. Walpole and his colleagues were by no means oblivious to the practical political value of such a move, but having only lately consolidated their position at court, their main priority was to seize a unique opportunity to flatter the new royal dynasty and garner popularity for it through the medium of the order's rediscovered history. The ministers selected the order's 36 founder‐knights with considerable input from senior courtiers, but ensured that those nominated were mostly peers and MPs who could evince ministerially useful connections between court and parliament. Though the order was later derided as a symptom of Walpoleian corruption, its foundation can be regarded as something of a turning point in Walpole's rise to power. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(3):357-375
The changeable politics of Cardinal Napoleone Orsini (c.1262/3–1342), negotiator and pope-maker, have been explained for over a century as the expression of his independent character and antagonistic relationships. Significant moments in his early career are interpreted as deliberate opposition to his own family's policies. This generalisation does his political acumen and familial loyalty a disservice. In particular, the rationale for his political decisions has previously been relied upon in explanations for his support of the Spiritual Franciscans, reformers and sometime separatists within the Franciscan Order. The cardinal's impact on the group has likewise been understated, as scholars have largely focused on their spokesmen's intellectual output, with limited investigation of the political support that enabled their survival. Orsini was connected to the group's spokesmen at the papal court at Avignon, including the prolific author Angelo Clareno (c.1250–c.1337). Close examination of Clareno's letters allows for a reinterpretation of the relationship. Orsini family documents reframe the relationship as part of an established familial tradition of Franciscan patronage. In this larger picture, the impetus for the cardinal's idiosyncratic patronage of the Spirituals becomes, instead, a small strand in the much larger network of familial obligations and patronage responsibilities. This also sheds further light on the fourteenth-century papal curia. 相似文献
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Allometry, or size-related variation, is shown to be an important factor in the bifaces of two separate assemblages from the Acheulean site of Kariandusi in Kenya. Such variation has functional and possibly stylistic implications. The paper gives a review of the archaeology of Kariandusi, and then investigates the question of size and shape variation in bifaces. The Upper Sites at Kariandusi, first investigated by L. S. B. Leakey, have yielded many obsidian bifaces which can be dated to approximately 0.7–1.0 myr ago. Material from the Lower Site, including many lava bifaces, is judged to be stratigraphically younger but probably in the same time range. We show by making comparisons with the neighbouring Acheulean sites of Kilombe and the Kapthurin Formation that allometry is present in biface assemblages at least 0.5 myr different in date; that similar principles of allometry operate in all the assemblages; and that where there are differences of allometric pattern, within-site variation is sometimes greater than variation between distant sites. We conclude that the size of a biface at least partly determines the shape in which it was made, and that sites in the time range ofHomo erectus and earlyHomo sapiens show surprisingly similar allometric patterns.
Résumé Il est démontré que l'allométrie ou variation dimensionnelle, est un facteur important des bifaces de deux collections séparées du site acheuléen de Kariandusi au Kénya. Une telle variation a des implications fonctionnelles et peut-être aussi stylistiques. Cet article examine l'archéologie de Kariandusi, puis étudie la question des variations de dimensions et de formes dans les bifaces. Les sites plus élevés de Kariandusi, que L.S.B. Leakey a été le premier à fouiller, ont donné de nombreux bifaces d'obsidienne que l'on peut dater d'environ 0,7–1,0 million d'années. Le matériel obtenu dans le site inférieur, y compris de nombreux bifaces en lave, est jugé plus récent stratigraphiquement, mais probablement de la même période. En faisant des comparaisons avec les sites acheuléens voisins de Kilombe et de la Formation Kapthurine, nous démontrons que l'allométrie est présente dans des collections de bifaces dont les dates diffèrent d'au moins 0,5 million d'années; que des principes d'allométrie similaires s'appliquent à toutes les collections; et que lorsqu'il y a des différences de schéma allométrique, la variation au sein d'un même site est souvent plus importante que la variation entre des sites distants. Nous concluons que la dimension d'un biface détermine au moins partiellement sa forme, et que les sites de la période de l'Homo erectus et du début de la période de l'Homo sapiens présentent des schémas allométriques étonamment semblables.相似文献
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Dawson D 《History and theory》1999,38(4):79-100
Evolutionary anthropology has focused on the origins of war, or rather ethnocentricity, because it epitomizes the problem of group selection, and because war may itself have been the main agent of group selection. The neo-Darwinian synthesis in biology has explained how ethnocentricity might evolve by group selection, and the distinction between evoked culture and adopted culture, suggested by the emerging synthesis in evolutionary psychology, has explained how it might be transmitted. Ethnocentric mechanisms could have evolved by genetic selection in ancestral hominids, or through the interaction of genetic and cultural selection in modern humans, or both. The existence of similar behaviors in chimpanzees and the parallel development of early human societies around the globe are arguments for such inherited mechanisms. There may have been some adaptive breakthroughs in purely cultural evolution, but this process does not seem likely to produce long-term Darwinian adaptations because of the prolificity of cultural traits. Warfare may once have been a major agent of group selection, but the rates of extinction among human groups are so slow as to render this improbable since the rise of state-level societies, whose warfare tends to become a cyclical balance-of-power situation. Perhaps the most serious implication of current evolutionary thought is that the individualistic model of culture common in the social sciences and humanities is outmoded, and should be replaced by a new model that recognizes the organismic nature of human societies. 相似文献
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Martin Jones Gordon MacLeod† 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2004,29(4):433-452
Amid the globalization of economic life and a myriad of powerful challenges to Westphalian traditions of political statehood, it is now routinely contended that regions are 'in resurgence'. Nonetheless, much of the debate on this purported regional renaissance is bedevilled by confusion over what scholars and activists mean by regions and an analogous mystification as to why some regions are 'successful', 'lagging' or 'different'. Our paper aims to instil some coherence to this debate by distinguishing between what we term regional spaces and spaces of regionalism . It then draws on this distinction to explore the institutionalization of England's South West region, highlighting some tensions which prevail over its economic future, its political representation, its territorial shape and cultural vernacular. In undertaking this, we demonstrate how the formation of any given regional map is reflective – and indeed constitutive – of an unevenly developing, often overlapping and superimposing mosaic of economic practices, political mobilizations, cultural performances and institutional accomplishments. This prompts us to question the currently fashionable inclination to fully jettison a scalar and/or territorial approach to the theory and practice of spatiality in favour of relational/topological/non-territorial approaches. 相似文献
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《Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies》2013,37(1):164-194
AbstractThrough the reception of Solomos, this paper explores the tension between the lyric and the narrative, and the extent to which the roles of national and lyric poet are compatible. The critical reception of Solomos demonstrates that his recognition as a lyric poet was not on an equal footing with his presentation as a national one. It shows that his joint treatment as the national poet of Greece and its greatest lyric poet is problematic and not convincingly argued. It also argues that Solomos's reception can be summarized as the conflict between the historical and the aesthetic approaches. 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(1):69-86
AbstractThis article considers how political theologies understand and organize power. It begins with an axiomatic understanding of politics as concerned with the organization of power. This understanding of politics requires a theological inquiry, as it is concerned with questions of piety and belief that underlie and direct power within these conscious organizations. It then provides a survey of three dominant forms of political theology: liberal political theology, exemplified by John D. Caputo; conservative political theology, exemplified by John Milbank; and political anti-theology, exemplified by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. It ends by way of a speculative account of a political non-theology, based on the non-philosophy of François Laruelle, that makes each of these political theologies relative to the immeasurable itself and thus turns them into simple material that may be used to construct relative different organizations of power with greater situational efficacies. 相似文献
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提问是幼儿教育阶段语言活动中最常用、最直接的交流,不仅能很好的促进师幼互动,更能激发孩子的思维,触动美的心灵,启迪孩子幼小的心智。 相似文献
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David Lambert 《Social & Cultural Geography》2013,14(3):405-420
Following recent research into imperial networks and their materialities, this paper addresses the geographies of the early-modern Atlantic. Its focus is the defensive response of white West Indian colonists to the emergence of popular antislavery sentiment in Britain during the ‘age of abolition’ (c. 1780–1833), which led to the increasing marginalization of slave-holding interests. This response included the production of corporate legislative petitions that sought to prevent or delay the reform of slavery. The paper argues that these petitions should be understood not as rhetorical forms of ‘influence’ that can be analysed in terms of their language, but as material objects whose potential efficacy derived from how, and in what textual company, they travelled. Tracing these material networks of petitioning provides a means to operationalize ‘circum-Atlantic’ perspectives and thus explore the spaces of the Atlantic. The paper also considers how theories of creolization, which underpin much thinking about the Atlantic, might be informed by a consideration of these petitionary networks. L'Atlantique contre-révolutionnaire: les demandes des blancs des Antilles et les réseaux favorables à l'esclavagisme Cet article fait suite aux recherches récentes effectuées sur les réseaux impériaux et leurs matérialités et s'intéresse aux géographies du début de l'époque moderne de l'Atlantique. Il met l'accent sur la réaction défensive des colons blancs des Antilles devant l'arrivée du sentiment populaire anti-esclavagiste en Angleterre pendant «l'ère abolitionniste» (1780–1833) qui a contribué à la marginalisation des propriétaires d'esclaves. Cette réaction comprenait des pétitions légales relevant de sociétés privées dont le but était d'empêcher ou de retarder le projet de réforme de l'esclavagisme. Cet article montre que ces pétitions ne devraient pas être vues comme des formes rhétoriques «d'influence» pouvant s'analyser en fonction de leurs modes linguistiques, mais comme des objets matériels dont la capacité de rendement résultait des manières et des formats textuels par lesquels elles pouvaient voyager. Remonter jusqu'aux réseaux concrets qui ont permis de protester par des pétitions est un moyen d'opérationnaliser les approches «circon-Atlantique» et d'explorer ainsi les espaces de l'Atlantique. Par ailleurs, l'article tente de montrer comment l'étude de ces réseaux de pétitions peut éclairer les théories de la créolisation qui sous-tendent la plupart des réflexions sur l'Atlantique. El Atlántico contra-revolucionario: peticiones y organizaciones a favor de la esclavitud de la gente blanca de las Antillas Con referencia a las recientes investigaciones de redes imperiales y su aspecto material, este papel trata las geografías del antiguo atlántico moderno. Se centra en la reacción defensiva de los colonos blancos de las Antillas al surgimiento del sentimiento popular antiesclavitud en Gran Bretaña durante ‘la era de la abolición’ (c. 1780–1833), que dio lugar a una marginación cada vez mayor de los intereses de los negreros. La producción de peticiones colectivas legislativas para tratar de impedir o retrasar la reforma de la esclavitud formó parte de esta reacción. Este papel sugiere que hay que ver estas peticiones no como formas retóricas de ‘influencia’ que se puede analizar por su lenguaje sino más bien como objetos materiales, la eficacia potencial de los cuales viene de cómo, y en qué compañía textual se viajaban. Un análisis del origen de estas redes materiales de peticionar posibilita el funcionamiento de perspectivas ‘circum-atlánticas’ y, por consiguiente, una exploración de los espacios del Atlántico. El papel también considera como teorías de criollización que son fundamentales al pensamiento actual sobre el Atlántico pueden ser informadas por un estudio de estas redes de peticionar. 相似文献
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中共中央和共产国际在开除陈独秀的原因和如何开除陈独秀的问题上发生分歧和冲突,主要表现在共产国际远东局想给予尽量多的机会和时间,要求陈独秀承认错误,希望他继续保留在党内;共产国际远东局最后同意开除陈独秀,主要是因为陈独秀在中东路事件上否定了"保卫苏联"的立场,不能容忍.而中共中央政治局则更看重于陈独秀转向托派对本国革命和共产党的影响以及他反对中共六大路线. 相似文献
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本文以建国初期知识分子命运的跌宕起伏为线索,重点考察了从1956年知识分子问题会议到1957年反右派运动的历史过程.大致包括以下几个方面的内容:一、知识分子问题会议的召开和"向科学技术进军"的掀起;二、"百花齐放,百家争鸣"方针的提出;三、波、匈事件尤其是匈牙利事件,对知识分子政策的消极影响;四、右派错误言论与整风运动的转向;五、反右派运动的梗概;六、反右派运动严重扩大化错误及其成因. 相似文献
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Matthew Goldmark 《Colonial Latin American Review》2015,24(2):215-235
This article reconsiders the subject of early modern Spanish gender and sexuality studies by analyzing the relación de méritos y servicios presented by the famed ‘Lieutenant Nun’ Catalina de Erauso to the Council of the Indies. Studies have focused on the Vida i sucesos de la Monja Alferez, a biography of disputed authorship, and its transgressive protagonist who hides gender identity and illicit desires from persecuting authorities. In contrast, this article studies the petition to show how Erauso’s identity depends upon bureaucratic forms, their standardized content, and collective authorship. In so doing, it moves from a study of gender transgression to a reading of ‘hábitos’—a term that designates interlocking categories of gender, dress, profession, and social status. By shifting the subject of gender and sexuality studies to this web instantiated by ‘hábitos,’ this article shows how collaborative acts of reading and writing allowed privileged subjects to navigate identity and empire in the seventeenth-century Spanish Atlantic world. 相似文献