Die Kunst des Anschlags. Elisabeth Caland und die Physio‐Ästhetik des Klavierspiels

The Art of Touch. Elisabeth Caland and the Physio‐Aesthetics of Piano Playing The issue of how it is possible to play the piano without striking it was raised by Chopin: one must ‘caresser’ and not ‘frapper’ the piano. In her teachings on the art of piano playing, Elisabeth Caland (1862–1929) attempts to articulate a scientifically grounded solution to this complex (kin‐)aesthetic problem. The solution turns on her intuitively discovered ‘lowering of the shoulderblades’ which was documented in 1904, through X‐rays, by the Berlin physiologist René du Bois‐Reymond, and recorded as a way of coordinating movement which had been unknown to physiology up to that time. Caland's physio‐aesthetic of piano playing, which she worked out on the basis of du Bois‐Reymond's observations, turns on the ideal of ‘floating sound’ put forward by her teacher Ludwig Deppe, and on Ferruccio Busoni's technique of piano playing. Her method makes essential use of what Feldenkrais would later call the ‘sixth sense’ (i.e. proprioceptive perception); in fact, it represents the first modern kinaesthetically based conception of piano playing. Caland's doctrine of touch was ahead of its time and it virtually disappeared from discussions of piano technique after 1930. But it has become accessible again through reprints of her most important writings: Deppe's doctrine of piano playing (1897), Sources of power in piano playing (1904), and Artistic piano playing (1910).     

Die Idee einer historischen Entwicklung der Krankheiten des Menschengeschlechts und ihre Bedeutung für die empirische Medizin des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts

In early 19th-century German medicine many doctors had a strong interest in historical pathology. They investigated the historical records of fevers and epidemics in detail, trying to find out how the changing influence of the epidemic constitution worked and hoping that history would help them to define specific disease entities. The underlying theory of this endeavour was that diseases undergo a historical development similar to the evolution of plants and animals. This paper tries to show that historical pathology was, in its time, a legitimate attempt to solve the most urgent problems of empirical medicine.     

Die historia francorum senonensis und der Aufstieg des Hauses Capet

In this inquiry the author confronts the historiographical view of the rise of the Capetians to power, as represented by the Historia Francorum Senonensis, with historical reality. He comes to the conclusion that the medieval historian, writing in the thirties of the eleventh century, sought by the selection, combination, interpretation, and presentation of his passages to propagate a view which had originated at the archbishop's court at Sens. The actual political motive was the dispute of Sens with Reins over coronation rights; it was this that explains the anti-Capetian tendency of the author's account of the dynastic change in 987. Moreover, it is possible to discern a political consciousness which was able to consider the West-Frankish/French monarchy as independent from dynastic considerations. We are thus dealing not with a historiographical statement of the Carolingian point of view, but with the reaction to a particular situation in ecclesiastical politics combined with a non-personal theory of the state.     

Die Pansophie des Comenius und der Baconismus der Royal Society

The specific comprehension of the subject of the modern times in the 17th century articulates itself in the pretension to be the master of the world of nature and human beings. This pretension, however, was not longer legitimated in a theological or biblical argumentation, but with the philosophical hint on a special qualification of the human being: knowledge and science. In this view, the philosophical reflections of Francis Bacon of Verulam, which were culminating in the well-known judgement of the coincidence of knowledge and power, became the very important philosophy of science of the most prominent academy of sciences in the 17th century: The Royal Society of London. This “Baconism” distincted himself strictly from all questions belonging to religion, politics, social or moral problems. This distinction was the reason for its opposition to the “Pansophie” of Johann Amos Comenius, whose main intention was the general reformation of the whole world, including a reform of science, religion and politics. The insistence of Comenius for the social responsibility of science is still up-to-date.     

Die zweite Welle der Wiederaneignung des Corpus Aristotelicum in der frühen Neuzeit: die ethische und politische Tradition. Ein Forschungsbericht

This paper presents a general view over the second reception of Aristotle's writings beginning after the first invasion of Western crusaders in Constantinople in 1204 and enforced after the fall of the Byzantine capital in 1453. After the turn of the century we observe a widespread commentary tradition of Aristotle's writings, particularily of his Ethics and Politics. Philipp Melanchthon became the leading figure in these ethical and political discussions. More than 53 of his works relating this which were printed within the 16^th century are known.     

Die Entwicklung der Sozialgeschichte der modernen Mathematik und Naturwissenschaft und die Frage nach dem sozialen Raum zwischen Disziplin und Wissenschaftler

The use of the concept of social history of science is sketched in the Anglo‐American and the German discussions from the mid 1970s up to recent work. By presenting a ‘social map’ of a selected scientific community it is argued that between the categories of discipline and single scientist there exists a wide ‘social space’ of groups within which science is pursued. In adopting a milieu theoretic approach an ecology of science is proposed as a suitable extension of the social history of science.     

Die bewertung des ungeborenen lebens im alten israel und im alten orient

Abstract

First, how does Haggai “construct” the temple, i.e. what view does he hold of it, its function and its significance? The answer here is that, whatever the Second Temple actually was, Haggai does not construct it as a place of sacrifice, a house of prayer, a location of the presence of God, a pivot of the economic system of Judah, a focus of ethnic identity, etc., but as a treasury. It must be rebuilt because it is a shame (not “glory") for Yahweh not to have a “house” in which treasures of silver and gold belonging to him can be stored and exhibited (2,7–9). And this temple must be rebuilt quickly because of the imminent political‐military upheaval ("shaking") of the earth that will result in booty in large quantities arriving in Jerusalem.

Second, is there anything in the text of the book that undermines this “construction” of the temple? Yes, there is an underlying conflict in the text (amounting to a deconstruction) over the issue of honour Yahweh is dishonoured by the ruined state of the temple, but it is not the rebuilding of the temple that will bring him honour. Further, the designation of the Judaeans and the “work of their hands” as “unclean” (2,14) deconstructs the text's placing responsibility for the rebuilding in their hands. Further still, the sudden narrowing of focus to Zerubbabel in the closing verses of the book (2,20–23), and the unprepared designation of him as an eschatological king, deconstructs the prophecy's professed concern with the temple.

Third, can these deconstructionists be deployed in the service of a reconstruction? Here I use the axiom that texts exist in order to repress social conflicts. Yes, we can first reconstitute the social reality implied by the text: from the deconstruction over the issue of honour we can reconstruct the conflict between enthusiasts for temple rebuilding and resisters. From the deconstruction over cleanness and uncleanness we can reconstruct the conflict between the leadership and the proletariat. From the deconstruction regarding Zerubbabel we can reconstruct the political conflict over the governorship.

And yes, we can secondly “construct” the social reality created by the reading of the text today. Here we can see how the reading of the text by biblical scholars functions as a repression of conflicts of interest and ideology among different groups of readers, and how the deconstructability of the text can serve to bring such conflict to consciousness.     

Die stadt und das reich in der verfassungslehre des marsilius von padua

This essay examines Tocqueville's interest in statistics, and how it informed his analysis of democracy. It explores his early engagement with the discipline and shows how this proved critical to his and Beaumont's 1833 study of the American penitentiary system. It shows that Tocqueville's interest in statistics was long lasting. And it pays particular attention to his links with the British Association for the Advancement of Science, examining his attendance at the statistical section meetings of the BAAS conference in Dublin in 1835. It shows how material presented at this conference appeared in a number of Tocqueville's works. The essay argues against the thesis that Tocqueville resisted the primacy of the social. Rather, it shows that his interest in statistics underscored the importance he attached to the social in his analysis of modern democracy.     

Die Emigration der Kulturwissenschaftlichen Bibliothek Warburg und die Anfänge des Universitätsfaches Kunstgeschichte in Großbritannien

Aby M. Warburg (1866- 1929) the famous art historian, critic and great promoter of cultural history collected a unique research library which became a semiofficial part of the newly founded University of Hamburg called ?Kulturwissenschaftliche Bibliothek Warburg”? in 1920. At the end of 1933 this library and its staff left Germany in order to prevent the Nazis from destroying this Jewish foundation. Great Britain gave home to it and at the end of 1944 London University incorporated the library now named The Warburg Institute. The Warburg Institute efficiently helped to promote art history as an academic discipline in Great Britain though its actual aims are of interdisciplinary nature and go far beyond art history as it has been the case since the days of Warburg.     

Die Centrosophia des Athanasius Kircher SJ: Geometrisches Paradigma und geozentrisches Interesse

The main subject of the paper is to give an example of what could be called, in the history of philosophy and science, reinforcement of traditional topics or paradigms of explanation in order to give explanatory support to or to coooborate the defence of old or the solution of new problems. In the 17th century nearly all positions in the natural science are dependent from theological and philosophical (metaphysical) presuppositions, especially all positions which belong to types of the scientia universalis (Yves de Paris, S. Izquierdo, A. Kircher). To defend the finiteness of the world and the geocentric position of the earth, the Jesuit A. Kircher (1602–1680) returns to an old topic of cosmological speculation, to the geometria speculativa, in order to demonstrate the absolute perfect and finite structure of the world as an analogon of the absolute perfect and finite structure of the cercle or, better, the sphere (globe). He shows this in his Iter exstaticum (Rome 1656) and in his Mundus subterraneus (Amsterdam 1665). The paper discusses only a central part of the Mundus subterraneus titled ‘Centrosophia’: here we find all typical arguments for the phenomenon of reinforcement of old topics and paradigms. God is the center or the non-dimensional point (punctum) of the cosmic sphere (which is the sphere of all being) and he is in consequence the principle of all geometrical (ontological) parts of this figure. Kircher transmits the evidence of the perfect geometric relation between center and circumference modo analogico to the relation God (creator) and world. Together with this well known and often used analogy he develops a new theory: the theory of the dignity of the subterranean parts of the earth and the earth as earth, as the unic and ideologically exclusive place in all reality that gives mankind the fundament to develop its own implications. The high estimation of the earth sets free an unprejudiced view of what the subterranean area really is: Kircher thinks here in organologic categories — the subterranean world is an analogon of the world as such and this world is a great animal. Kircher develops in the limits of his traditional geocentric position an new non-traditional theory of the inner side of the world.