首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
A division of responsibility for parish church fabric and contents between rector and parishioners first appeared in English ecclesiastical legislation in the early thirteenth century and was to remain in place until the mid-nineteenth century. It is often suggested that this responsibility was forced onto parishioners by a clergy keen to limit their own financial liability and that this marks the point at which parishioners first become involved in their local churches. This article looks at the development of these statutes from their origins in the Anglo-Saxon period through to their full realisation in the later thirteenth century. It argues that there were many among the thirteenth-century ecclesiastical hierarchy who were opposed to this change, and that far from being forced on parishioners, allowing parishioners to take responsibility for part of the church was a pragmatic solution to problems brought about by changes to both parishes and parish churches.  相似文献   

2.
3.
ABSTRACT

Medieval historians have long emphasised the social significance of the installation of fixed and owned seats in English parish churches, but its impact was affective and ideological too. Since the late thirteenth century, church authorities had decreed that all worshippers should have equal access to the nave but seating introduced an object with many of the characteristics of private property into space theoretically held in common. Judges and bishops not only rued this as a corruption of Christian egalitarianism but also feared the opportunities for sensory enrichment, privacy and conflict that came with purchased pews. A new proprietary culture developed in churches that stimulated new practices, affective bonds and ideas about how entitlements and hierarchies from parochial life should or could be transplanted into the nave space.  相似文献   

4.
论黑死病期间的英国教会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在教会看来,黑死病是上帝因世人的罪孽而降下的惩罚,故而对之主要的防治也应该以忏悔为主.这些对策的确没有起到令人满意的效果,但这是当时科学水平有限的情况下教会所能采取的最好选择,并且,对这种解释迅速的传达和有关措施周密的布置本身就证明了教会面对瘟疫的积极态度,对社会的稳定也不无裨益.另外,教会还积极的进行临终抚慰、开辟墓地等稳定社会秩序的活动.尽管有一些教职人员的确有腐败的行为,但对此我们必须辨证地看待,因为他们相当多数并非原来教会的成员,而是在原有教士大量死亡之际紧急补充进来的人员.  相似文献   

5.
This empirical study offers a contribution to a continuing debate about the county community and the significance of feudal ties by analysing the contacts of twenty small and middling knightly families. It explores their geographical range and the relative significance of horizontal and vertical ties. The evidence indicates a world dominated by local connections, stretching five to ten miles from a family manor. Nonetheless, the gentry were not necessarily restricted by county boundaries in their connections, as patterns of monastic patronage show. Nor were their social networks always limited to their neighbourhood. The search for good marriages mobilised wider networks, while financial pressures led families to look to towns like Oxford and London for credit. Ties with feudal superiors were rare, except for tenants of the honor of Wallingford, who had links with the earls of Cornwall. Horizontal ties with other gentry families and family members significantly outnumbered those with any other groups, and this applied both to supportive relationships and conflictual ones. Placing this study in the context of other gentry studies, I conclude by emphasising the prevalence of local ties mainly with those on the same social level or below. Although there is evidence to suggest that wealthier families with several manors had wider ranging connections, the everyday world of these men was apparently a fairly parochial one.  相似文献   

6.
Anne   《Journal of Medieval History》2006,32(4):371-394
This empirical study offers a contribution to a continuing debate about the county community and the significance of feudal ties by analysing the contacts of twenty small and middling knightly families. It explores their geographical range and the relative significance of horizontal and vertical ties. The evidence indicates a world dominated by local connections, stretching five to ten miles from a family manor. Nonetheless, the gentry were not necessarily restricted by county boundaries in their connections, as patterns of monastic patronage show. Nor were their social networks always limited to their neighbourhood. The search for good marriages mobilised wider networks, while financial pressures led families to look to towns like Oxford and London for credit. Ties with feudal superiors were rare, except for tenants of the honor of Wallingford, who had links with the earls of Cornwall. Horizontal ties with other gentry families and family members significantly outnumbered those with any other groups, and this applied both to supportive relationships and conflictual ones. Placing this study in the context of other gentry studies, I conclude by emphasising the prevalence of local ties mainly with those on the same social level or below. Although there is evidence to suggest that wealthier families with several manors had wider ranging connections, the everyday world of these men was apparently a fairly parochial one.  相似文献   

7.
The ‘spatial turn’ in some recent historical and historical geographical writing has been theoretically invigorating. The concern with the representation of space – the discursive emphasis – has collided with ideas about the social production of space. Do these notions have to be dichotomous? Indeed, should we restrict ourselves to one or the other? This examination of a micro-space – the porch, predominantly the south porch, of English pre-modern parish churches – attempts to interpret the range of meanings and actions which were accorded to and took place within this small, but significant, space. In dissecting a considerable, if disparate, amount of empirical material, it acknowledges the complexities, even contingencies, of space. It suggests not a return to Kantian notions of space as container, but the varying influences of impositions of the representation of space and of social action on the production of space, without privileging either. Whilst recognizing that both acted upon and within space, we should allow for the differences and diversity within them.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

This paper describes the rather neglected role played by committees of the Church of England in rewording and promoting a set of arguments that facilitated the reform of a number of repressive laws in mid-twentieth century England and Wales. It is in part a comment on the manner in which the Church provided a clear-eyed understanding of some of the major moral upheavals of the time, drawing on classic utilitarian principles. It is also a comment on our propensity to lose sight of interesting and influential passages in the history of criminal justice.  相似文献   

9.
By the fifteenth century the seigneurial exercise of high justice had become less common because of the growth of royal jurisdiction. The ancient and wealthy Benedictine nunnery of Montivilliers retained the right to high justice only during the octave of the Holy Cross. In 1493 Sandrin Bourel, a young man who had twice before been imprisoned for theft, was apprehended in the act of stealing from a bourgeois of Montivilliers. As the crime occurred during the octave of the Holy Cross the abbey claimed jurisdiction. A special tribunal was created to prosecute him. After having been tortured, Bourel was found guilty and hanged. The documents generated by this event provide the basis for a case study of the application of criminal procedure at the close of the middle ages. The condemned man's confession, rich in biographical detail, gives us a profile of a petty thief and vagabond on the margin of society. The financial account of the abbey's receiver-general documents in detail the total cost of the prosecution of a single medieval criminal.  相似文献   

10.
19世纪初期“tourism”见诸英语,后又取代“travel”的主流地位,标志着英国古典旅行观向现代旅游观的转变。“tourism”概念由于适应了工业文明时代旅游大众化、市场化、产业化的需要,因而从市井俚语上升为20世纪西方旅游理论的主流概念。厘清它与汉语中“旅游”概念之间深刻的文化差异,是中国旅游学界应对西方旅游理论的一大关键。  相似文献   

11.
16、17世纪英国政治文化中的父权主义   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
向荣 《史学月刊》2001,(1):93-99
父权主义是在英国从封建主义向资本主义过渡的历史背景下,为适应秩序和稳定的需要而产生的,是16、17世纪英国大多数人共同的政治态度,为英国君权的扩张和君主实施社会控制提供了合法性依据,也在一定程度上阻止了暴君和暴政在英国的出现。英国率先完成从封建主义向资本主义过渡,父权主义是一个重要的因素。  相似文献   

12.
The belt of Fernando de la Cerda is on permanent display in the Museo de Telas Ricas, Burgos. Presently, scholars believe the belt dates from 1252–75, is of Hispano-Islamic work and was worn as a baldric. This article suggests that the belt is English, that it was commissioned by King Henry III and was worn around the waist. Henry gave the belt to the count of Champagne, Thibault II, during his first diplomatic visit to France. In turn, Thibault probably gave the belt to Fernando de la Cerda, the infante of Castile, in 1269, at Fernando’s wedding. The belt’s burial with the Castilian infante provides important evidence of the close familial and political relationships that linked the ruling dynasties of north-west Europe during the thirteenth century. Commissioned as a gift and richly decorated, the belt should be seen as an example of the aesthetic accomplishment of Henry III, his use of propaganda and political aspirations.  相似文献   

13.
富裕佃农:英国现代化的最早领头羊   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
农业是英国资本主义发生的策源地,而不是商业或者手工业,后者要以农业的发展为前提和基础。英国原始积累成功的秘密,在于农民个体的普遍积累,在于大规模的圈地运动以前,英国农民已经经历了长时期、普遍的积累,并在此过程中产生了一批殷实的、又有一定社会地位的富裕佃农。他们一心扩大耕地和牧场,或买卖或转租或垦殖,很早就一直以零敲碎打的方式进行“圈地”;更重要的是,富裕佃农最早创立了工资雇佣生产方式。它有着一套全新的游戏规则,不承认等级,漠视身份,最大限度地追求市场利润,完全不同于庄园经济。富裕农民经济在市场上击败了领地经济,迫使领主不断肢解领地地产,进一步扩大富裕农民经济的规模,资本主义租地农场主阶级逐渐形成。显然,农业资本主义是富裕佃农推动的,领主不过是被佃户逼上商品经济的“贼船”。是约曼——富裕农,还有他们的延伸体乡绅,而不是领主或新贵族,成为英国现代农业的发起人。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

This article highlights the particular situation of the Catholic religion in Italy which distinguishes itself for its systematic organization, active association-forming and cultural vitality, unrivalled in any other European country either Protestant or Catholic. On the one hand the church in Italy still disposes of such a wealth of clergy and religious figures, dioceses and parishes, educational and social institutions, ecclesiastical groups and associations, and so on, that it can maintain a diffuse presence scattered over the national territory; it deploys numerous forces and resources which form an integral part of normal social relationships that animate civil society. On the other hand, the church and Italian Catholicism today are particularly active at a cultural level, with their contribution of ideas and experience on vital questions arising in social coexistence (ranging from the family to bioethics, from religious freedom to the secular State, from national identity to the multiethnic presence, and so on).  相似文献   

15.
16.
英国原工业化地区的形成   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张卫良 《史学月刊》2004,1(4):32-39
"地区"观是考察原工业化的一个重要视角,英国原工业化的形成与"地区"有着密切的关系。琼·瑟斯克在分析了英国的一些乡村工业地区以后,认为英国的乡村工业与畜牧业地区有着天然的联系。然而,英国原工业化地区的形成决非如此简单,它是一个地区的自然资源、农业特点、社会结构以及继承习惯等众多因素综合的结果。  相似文献   

17.
This article examines relations in thirteenth-century Tuscany between the minor rural aristocracy and great rural lords, that is, those based outside cities. The subject is approached through a study based on three families, with special emphasis on the way they were bound to the extended family of the Guidi counts, who were prominent at the highest level in the thirteenth-century kingdom of Italy. In the thirteenth century, attendance on the counts was not attractive to families of the minor aristocracy: it was universally acknowledged that the great rural lords of Tuscany had little to offer their adherents in terms of wealth, power and prestige, incentives which could be obtained from the cities of the region. Minor aristocrats who chose to live as professional soldiers were particularly attracted to the cities, which were always in need of soldiers for their armies.  相似文献   

18.
Existing scholarship describes early southern evangelical churches as racially radical institutions that, as the eighteenth century surrendered to the nineteenth, capitulated to slavery, implementing accommodations intended to make them more attractive to respectable, slaveholding churchgoers. This essay argues that that transition was never as complete as suggested. Based on a set of 65 Baptist church minutes from congregations located in 4 different southern states, it shows how evangelical churches continued to exercise a degree of authority over slave-owning members and their treatment of bondpeople from the late eighteenth century through the end of slavery itself.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

Roman Catholicism is most often imagined as an element of continuity in Poland’s turbulent history: even when a Polish state was absent from the map of Europe from the late eighteenth through early twentieth centuries, a recognizably ‘Polish’ church has been presumed to provide a robust institutional anchor for the Polish nation. This article, however, argues that the creation of a ‘Polish’ Roman Catholic church was a belated and protracted process, one that was only getting started in the years following the achievement of Polish independence in 1918. The church’s ‘Polonization’ was only partially a matter of emancipation from imperial-era restrictions. It often also involved the defence and attempted extrapolation of laws, practices and institutions that had developed under the auspices of the German, Austrian or Russian states and that the Catholic hierarchy viewed as healthy and desirable building blocks for a future Polish church. These imperial precedents continued to provide crucial points of reference in ongoing debates about what ‘Polish’ Catholicism was and what it should become.  相似文献   

20.
In British political and intellectual circles, there is a longstanding disagreement between those envisaging an opportunity for the development of a radical English patriotism and those resistant to the idea of a progressive English imaginary. Despite their antithetical quality, both divergent frameworks were explored in the work of Scottish nationalist and New Left intellectual Tom Nairn, long before mainstream social science preoccupied itself with the ‘English Question’. Notwithstanding his later espousal of Englishness as a contribution to democratic renewal, Nairn's earlier notion of an inherently regressive nationalism remains the dominant frame for many intellectuals and politicians confronted by the challenges of increasingly politicised English identities. Whilst he has been only one of a number of thinkers and writers who have informed and contested political thinking on this question in the UK, the influence of his early work upon liberal and left circles has been underestimated, an oversight that this article addresses.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号