The tyranny of Richard III

To Tudor historians Richard III was a quintessence of tyranny. This belief was derived from the informed opinion of many who had experienced his brief reign. To them a tyrant was one who came to the throne without right or who governed against the interests of the political nation. There can be little doubt that Richard usurped the throne: it is also the case that in one important respect his government alienated a significant section of the nobility and gentry. Following the revolts of late 1483 Richard systematically placed trusted northern adherents in control of the unreliable and hostile southern counties. This action transgressed the unwritten law that the rule of the counties lay in the hands of their native élites. Its highhandedness was recognized by the author of the Croyland continuation and its pattern can be reconstructed from the record of grants from the Crown during the reign. Not only does the settlement of 1483-4 provide dramatic evidence in support of the Tudor tradition, but its circumstances also suggest an explanation for the continuing controversy surrounding Richard's reign. What was thereby tyranny in the south was good lordship to the loyal north. It is conceivable that the conflicting interpretations of the last Plantagenet spring from this regional division.     

Sir Gawain and the green knight and the literary achievement of the north-west Midlands: the historical background

The author of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and the other verse in BLMS. Cotton Nero A x ranks with his contemporaries, Chaucer and Langland, as one of the three great Middle English poets. Whilst this anonymous master and associated writers have been confidently ascribed to the north-west Midlands in the reign of Richard II, the social context of this literary achievement is still inadequately understood. Drawing on wider research on the social history of the region, and focusing on the career of one identifiable Cheshire poet of Chaucer's generation, this paper attempts to show what factors made this superficially inauspicious milieu at all conducive to high cultural attainment.The basic argument is that the richness and sophistication of the best north-west Midlands work are only comprehensible in terms of the considerable social mobility evidenced amongst the local population in this period. Large numbers of men from Cheshire and its environs can be traced in all corners of England, seeking their fortunes as soldiers, lawyers, clerks and merchants. This was the vibrant world in which the Gawain-poet and his fellows found not only appreciative audiences and generous patronage but also the new cultural influences and the courtly sophistication which characterise their more polished pieces.It is no coincidence that the last years of Richard II's reign, which witnessed the composition of the verse of BL MS. Cotton Nero A x, also saw the fortunes of local careerists soar to their apogee. In addition to their solid achievements in the professions, men from almost every family in Cheshire were being recruited into the royal household from 1397 onwards. With his well attested taste for fine literature, and with his extravagant generosity towards his Cheshire retainers, it is clear that if an aristocratic patron for the Gawain-poet is pre-supposed there is no more credible candidate than Richard II himself.     

Richard of Cornwall's candidature for the German throne and the christmas 1256 parliament at Westminster

Some months after the death of the German king William of Holland in 1256, Richard of Cornwall, with obvious help from King Henry III (but not initially with the support of the pope), decided to enter the contest for the German throne. His methods, including the use of his funds on a large scale, are well known, but Richard and Henry also contrived to deceive the English magnates about their plans. They told the barons at a meeting at the end of the year 1256 that Richard had already been elected king (which was manifestly untrue) and that only their consent was missing. This was a device to foil the expected resistance by the magnates, who were already opposing Henry's increasingly costly Sicilian adventure.     

Richard of Cornwall's candidature for the German throne and the christmas 1256 parliament at Westminster

Some months after the death of the German king William of Holland in 1256, Richard of Cornwall, with obvious help from King Henry III (but not initially with the support of the pope), decided to enter the contest for the German throne. His methods, including the use of his funds on a large scale, are well known, but Richard and Henry also contrived to deceive the English magnates about their plans. They told the barons at a meeting at the end of the year 1256 that Richard had already been elected king (which was manifestly untrue) and that only their consent was missing. This was a device to foil the expected resistance by the magnates, who were already opposing Henry's increasingly costly Sicilian adventure.     

朱厚熜帝系独立意识在陵寝建造中的反映

明嘉靖帝朱厚熜以藩王世子身份入继大统的。其特殊的身份、处境及其鲜明个性,造就了他强烈独立的帝系意识。而这强烈的帝系独立意识不仅在其继位之初关于继位仪式和年号的争论以及其后的大礼议、颁布《明伦大典》和改正典祀等方面表现鲜明,而且在营建寿宫——永陵和对天寿山陵区进行修葺上更有所表现。本文试通过分析永陵的建造特点和嘉靖年间天寿山陵区增建的礼制建筑,揭示朱厚炮强烈的帝系独立意识在陵寝建造中的反映。     

The politics of being Norman in the reign of Richard the Fearless,Duke of Normandy (r. 942–996)

In 966, by the end of the reign of its third duke, Richard I, Normandy had overcome the crises that had beset it in the middle of the century. Much of this success came from the coherence of its ruling group, which expressed itself partly in terms of ‘Norman’ identity. This article uses Dudo's history of the dukes and Richard's charters to argue that ‘Norman’ as a political identity was a deliberate creation of the court of Richard I in the 960s, following the perceived failure of his and his father's policies of assimilation into Frankish culture.     

George III and Parliament*

Circumstances were auspicious when George III came to the throne in 1760, but soon his political actions were much criticized and he was accused from early in his reign until well into the 20th century of weakening the independence of parliament and undermining the constitution. Some contemporaries did defend him and these views received powerful support from Sir Lewis Namier and his followers in the 20th century. Both interpretations have their flaws, however, because of the failure to recognize the profound changes in the context in which George acted over his long reign and the subtle changes that occurred in Britain's unwritten constitution over that half century. By examining how the king appointed and dismissed ministers, sought to influence the composition of both houses of parliament, and endeavoured to shape government policy, this article seeks to revise our understanding of the king's relations with parliament and the constitution and to relocate our overall assessment of him between those offered by his many critics and defenders both during his reign and long afterwards.     

From pear maiden to tower princes: towards a new history of medieval childhood

Twenty years ago, Philippe Arie`s presented a negative view of childhood, characterized by abuse and neglect. The thesis was persuasive, but evidence from England from the twelfth to fifteenth centuries contradicts its tenets. The neglected material suggests that medieval society placed a high value on its children's lives and safety, and condemned harshly those who ignored it. Neglect still existed, but honored as a cultural ideal was a caring commitment towards children. Sermons and medical treatises increasingly described childhood innocence and parental devotion. Narrative literature such asPearl used the image of a grieving parent to underline philosophical themes. The most public of medieval literature, the Corpus Christi plays, directly addressed the parents in the audience on their responsibilities to their children. Richard III's political career was irrevocably affected by his society's beliefs about children. The disappearance of his nephews from public view sparked rumors about his abuse and murder of them. Even mere rumor about an attack on innocents inspired rebellion during Richard's reign and literary condemnation by contemporary chronicles. By the sixteenth century, Richard had become the prime example of the monster shunned by society because of his disregard for its most basic ideal.     

Constitutionalism or Staatssreich? Bismarck,Crown Prince Frederick William,Crown Princess Victoria and the Succession Crisis of 1880-85

Though Otto von Bismarck exercised great power as Chancellor of the German Empire, historians have overlooked the extent to which it was threatened during the 1880s by the imminent accession of Crown Prince Frederick William. The article focuses on the means by which Bismarck strove to maintain his power, and how many of his plans were thwarted by the crown prince. The heir to the throne had to also fend off his wife's campaign to enact radical liberal reforms during her husband's coming reign. The ability of the crown prince to resist the campaigns of both his wife and Bismarck shows that his influence was indeed considerable, and that estimates of Bismarck's power are in need of revision.     

论明穆宗时期实现“俺答封贡”的历史条件

明穆宗时期实现的“俺答封贡”是影响中国北疆历史发展的重大事件,本认为其实现有着深刻的历史和经济根源,而穆宗即位后政治形势的重大变化是决定性条件。     

Henry IV and Charles VI: the confirmation of the twenty-eight-year truce

The deposition of Richard II in 1399 caused serious problems for the new English king, Henry IV, in foreign affairs. Contemporaries believed that his seizure of the crown would provoke an outbreak of new hostilities with the French since the wife of the deposed monarch was none other than Isabel, a daughter of Charles VI, king of France. Indeed Charles took certain belligerent measures against henry, whom he stubbornly refused to recognize as the legitimate ruler of England, but stopped short of war because Isabel still remained in English custody. Henry IV, on the other hand, desired to improve relations with France because of his own tenuous hold on the English throne. Once Charles VI became convinced early in 1400 that Richard II had died in captivity, he abruptly changed his policy towards England and announced his intention of observing the terms set forth in the Twenty-Eight-Year Truce which he had originally concluded with his son-in-law in 1396. Later in May, Henry IV similarly proclaimed his willingness to honor that agreement. How both sides avoided an open clash and eventually confirmed the Twenty-Eight-Year Truce forms the central theme of this paper.     

Henry IV and Charles VI: the confirmation of the twenty-eight-year truce

The deposition of Richard II in 1399 caused serious problems for the new English king, Henry IV, in foreign affairs. Contemporaries believed that his seizure of the crown would provoke an outbreak of new hostilities with the French since the wife of the deposed monarch was none other than Isabel, a daughter of Charles VI, king of France. Indeed Charles took certain belligerent measures against henry, whom he stubbornly refused to recognize as the legitimate ruler of England, but stopped short of war because Isabel still remained in English custody. Henry IV, on the other hand, desired to improve relations with France because of his own tenuous hold on the English throne. Once Charles VI became convinced early in 1400 that Richard II had died in captivity, he abruptly changed his policy towards England and announced his intention of observing the terms set forth in the Twenty-Eight-Year Truce which he had originally concluded with his son-in-law in 1396. Later in May, Henry IV similarly proclaimed his willingness to honor that agreement. How both sides avoided an open clash and eventually confirmed the Twenty-Eight-Year Truce forms the central theme of this paper.     

The court of the Lionheart on crusade, 1190–2

The source material that records the history of the Third Crusade gives the impression that Richard was a king who found it easy to interact with people from different backgrounds. Though he was one of the greatest warrior-kings of the medieval era, he was comfortable with churchmen and knights, with Frenchmen and Anglo-Normans, with lords and clerks, with his men and his father’s men. No doubt every royal court was a bustling, perhaps nearly chaotic, environment, but the individuals found in this study indicate that the court of Richard I was not an ivory tower to which only his barons had access.     

The right of resistance in Richard Price and Joseph Priestley

ABSTRACT

This article is concerned with the writings on resistance by Richard Price and Joseph Priestley, the leaders of the Rational Dissenters who supported the American and French Revolutions, from the late 1760s to 1791. The article discusses the differences between Rational Dissent and mainstream (Court) Whig resistance theory, as regards history in particular: the Dissenters viewed the Glorious Revolution as a lost opportunity rather than a full triumph and claimed the heritage of the Puritan opposition to Charles I, some of them justifying the regicide. Price's and Priestley's views on resistance are assessed against the benchmark of John Locke's conception of the breach of trust. While both thinkers presented themselves as followers of Locke, they departed from his thought by their emphasis on the constantly active role of the people. Each in their own way, they also argued that early, possibly peaceful, resistance was preferable to violent resistance as a last resort against a tyranny. In the end, Price and Priestley each articulated an original theory derived from Locke; their views were very close and their main difference concerned the treatment of history, Price's caution contrasting with Priestley's justification of tyrannicide.     

内地移民与汉代南部边疆交趾地区的统一

自汉武帝元鼎六年(公元前111年),开置交趾、九真、日南三郡,交趾地区就成为汉帝国多民族统一国家整体中不可分割的有机组成部分。此后300余年间,两汉中央王朝之所以能够始终维持对这一地区稳固的郡县统治,不仅因为她于此实施有效的行政管理,合理经营,也与通过各种途径徙居交趾的内地移民有着重大的关系。随着大量内地移民落籍交趾三郡,同时伴随移民而带来的中原内地文化在南部边疆的全面传播,及其对当地土著文化的整合,为交趾地区统一于两汉王朝奠定了广泛而深厚的社会基础,创造了良好的文化条件,促进了该地区与中原内地整体发展的不断加强,从而使交趾三郡成为汉帝国不可分割的南部边疆。内地移民是汉代南部边疆开发的生力军,是交趾三郡统一于汉王朝多民族国家整体的主要社会基础。     

Richard II's knights: chivalry and patronage

Research on late medieval England has tended in two directions. There has been a great renewal of interest in matters chivalric and in the conflicts between the chivalric ideal and reality as interpreted by chroniclers such as Froissart. Quite divorced from such inquiry, the study of pelf and place has proceeded apace. A study of Richard II's conferments of knighthood provides an interesting opportunity to unite these disparate strands of inquiry.Richard II, who ended his life as the simple knight Sir Richard of Bordeaux, had afar deeper sense of chivalric values than many historians have allowed. Chivalry was a vital component in the outlook of the man.Yet, Richard II found himself in this position as a result of intense factional rivalries in which he had been a leading if ultimately losing player. Records of the order of the Garter provide one source of material for this study, but the article also looks at Richard's conferments in more general terms. Clearly, Richard manipulated the chivalric ideal for practical ends, but a tarnished ideal is not a repudiated ideal. Richard II made use of knighthood within his system because he - and his clients —continued to operate within the chivalric code for which such knighthood stood.     

"汉家尧后"说考论

两汉时期曾有“汉家尧后”一说的流行。此命题旨在证明尧帝是汉家天子的“祖先”,而汉朝统治是尧帝神圣统绪的光大。只有从文化背景入手,结合上古的崇圣观念与正统观念,才能正确把握“汉家尧后”说产生的思想根源。而“绍休圣绪”与刘家实际上“起于巷闾”的矛盾,则是汉朝统治者炮制“汉家尧后”说的直接动机。“汉家尧后”说的产生与王莽篡位阴谋无关,它是汉朝政治需要的产物,最早出自谶纬,文献依据在《左传》中。     

A leper in purple: the coronation of Baldwin IV of Jerusalem

Baldwin IV, the leper king of Jerusalem, was one of history's more startling monarchs. His coronation in 1174 has been interpreted as anomalous or, alternatively, as evidence of unique cultural and political trends within the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. Inherent in all these evaluations, however, is the unquestioned acceptance that Baldwin was known to be leprous at the time of his coronation. This is an assumption that is supported by neither medical understandings of the disease, nor by a consideration of the evidence that survives from the period. Though clearly suffering from advanced leprosy at the time of his death, there is nothing to suggest that Baldwin's disease could have been diagnosed prior to his taking the throne and so there is no need to consider his coronation as anything other than a conventional one.     

Charting the Development of Portsmouth Harbour, Dockyard and Town in the Tudor Period

Portsmouth was crucial to the defence of Tudor England and consequently it was mapped for military planning purposes throughout the Tudor period from 1545. The resulting sequence of maps records much of the town and harbour. The maps offer opportunities for furthering our understanding of Tudor Portsmouth and its population Additionally, images of the urban landscape provided by the “Cowdray Engraving”, which depicts the loss of Henry VIII’s warship Mary Rose on the 19th July 1545, may also be considered and compared with those presented in the early maps of the town. This paper considers the Portsmouth maps of 1545, 1552, 1584 and the chart of Portsmouth Harbour dating from between 1586 and 1620. These are examined in relation to one another and compared with evidence from the Cowdray Engraving.     

The Wrong King: Apocalypse and Transformation (or Not) in the White House

Abstract

Jonathan Z. Smith has argued that apocalyptic discourse grew out of a political desire to remove the "wrong" king from the throne. Later, though, the same discourse was used to prevent a "wrong" king from taking the throne. Thus apocalyptic discourse can either motivate or resist transformative change. In US political history it has served both purposes. This article focuses on the trend in presidential discourse, especially in foreign policy, since Franklin D. Roosevelt to use apocalyptic language to resist transformation. The electorate's desire to prevent substantive change was the determining factor in the presidential election of 2008. In Barack Obama's first year in office, though he seemed to promote transformation, his dominant message was a reassuring one: The threat of fundamental change would continue to be contained both at home and around the world. No "wrong" rulers would be allowed to disturb the security of America.