The importance of Old French chronicles as historical sources of the Fourth Crusade and the early Latin Empire of Constantinople

Michael Angold has shown that the collapse of Greek resistance to the crusading army has not yet been fully explained by historians (Journal of Medieval History, 25, 3 (1999) 257–78). The chronicles of Villehardouin and Clari are an additional, important source, written by eyewitnesses. They provide first-hand evidence of the morale of the army, its sense of mission and the problems which it faced. Henri de Valenciennes provides a similar, first-hand account of the start of the reign of Henry of Hainaut as Latin Emperor. Close study of these texts helps to explain the victory of the westerners. They are even more important as historical sources than as examples of early French prose.     

The practical limits of inventing traditions: the failed reinvention of the Sinjska Alka

The Alka is a traditional game in Croatia, held to commemorate the victory of the local warriors of the region of Cetina over the Ottoman army in 1715. The Croatian nationalist discourse of the 1990s tried to reinvent the Alka as symbol of a certain national identity, by nationalising this local event and emphasising its religious aspect. In a period of just over a decade, however, the project of reinventing the Alka has failed completely. This paper analyses the reinvention of the Alka and its failure in order to argue that concrete cases of invented tradition are context dependent and may encounter practical limits.     

明末的"辽人"与"辽军"

“辽人”是明代东北地区的汉族区域群体,因长期的边塞生活而具有边疆特点的社会性格。后金进入辽东后,“辽人”有抗、殉、降、逃等不同的表现,反映出他们的复杂心态。清太祖晚年民族矛盾激化,“辽人”奋起抵抗,组成“岛兵”与“关宁辽军”两大军事集团,“辽军”遂成为抗金(清)主力。清太宗即位后,明、清双方展开了对“辽人”与“辽军”的争夺。清太宗调整民族政策,改善汉族待遇,并以军事胜利为后盾,重用、“思养”汉宫为政治号召,积极争取“辽军”,效果显,终于化顽敌为羽翼,大批“辽人”加入清军,为清朝开国做出了重要贡献。     

一幅不可多得的衰世群丑图——《粤氛纪事》有关太平天国时期清方将帅的记载

夏燮以当事人身份所著《粤氛纪事》具有极高的可信度,却一直未受到重视.该书以记载太平天国与清朝统治阶级之间的军事斗争为主要内容,比较全面地分析了封建统治阶级的腐败无能,生动具体地再现了清军将帅贪生怕死的丑态,实事求是地指出了清军在战略上的失误,毫不留情地揭露了清军将帅之间的矛盾,而这些都是在官方档案中很难见到的.因而该书的史料价值在许多方面远远超出了清方档案之上.     

Military Identities in Late Roman Britain

Changes in the material culture of the late Roman army in Britain mean that it is often difficult to identify archaeologically. Some of these changes have in the past been taken as symptoms of decline, without attempt at further explanation. This paper aims to explore these changes and their deeper significance, within a theoretical framework which stresses the importance of the use of material culture in the expression of identities. Building from a detailed case study of fourth century occupation at Caerleon, it will be suggested that categorising material as ‘civilian’ or ‘military’ obscures complex patterns of both uniformity and variation between different kinds of site. These have implications not only for our understanding of the army in fourth and fifth century Britain, but also for society in general at this time, as it is within this wider context that the army should be seen.     

Reply to comments on relative chronology

The court sites in south‐west Norway are a key material for discussing aspects of Roman period archaeology. So far, the Stand der Forschung is not satisfactory, mainly because the excavations that took place in the middle of the 20th century have not so far led to more systematic and synthesising studies being undertaken. It is argued in the article that the court sites can be considered indicative of central settlements in the Roman period, and that the sites were multifunctional. They probably served as gathering places for social activities like games, things and ritual, as production sites, and maybe as temporary accommodation for chieftains' retinues playing a role in intra‐Norwegian or perhaps Scandinavian military confrontations. The latter aspect is considered in some detail in the article, and it is suggested that the court site organisation is indicative of a Roman period (petty) south‐west Norwegian kingdom, and that the bog offering in Illerup place A might have originated from a south‐west Norwegian army defeated by ‘Danish’ forces. On an international level the court sites are an unparalleled type of archaeological monument reflecting social and functional aspects of general interest for European archaeology.     

An Italian city-state geared for war: urban knights and the cavallata of Todi

The prominent presence of noble families in towns is generally accepted as a distinguishing feature of medieval Italy's communal city-states. Paradoxically, the nobility, as the exclusive supplier of trained and fully equipped cavalrymen, would retain a pivotal position in the communal armies when, in the Duecento, their political power was questioned. In this article a detailed study has been made of the nobility's role in the organisation of the [ac]cavallata (the public obligation to maintain warhorses) as well as in the militia (cavalry service) of the Umbrian town of Todi in the decades around 1300, when Todi as a city-state reached the zenith of its power. It is argued that in Todi cavallata and militia did not coincide in all respects, and also that both institutions were to some extent open to members of the sizeable class of the sergentes. The sergentes were responsible for the ‘rural’ part of the cavallata, and they provided the cavalry of the communal army with light horsemen.     

The Politics of Knowledge: Julian Steward,Leslie White,Melville Herskovits,and L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza

Biographies of four important figures in the history of anthropology—Julian Steward, Leslie White, Melville Herskovits, and L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza—illustrate that current “public anthropology” has deep historic roots and that anthropology, even subfields that involve the basic sciences, like genetics, are shaped by personal and political experience as much as by intellect. All the biographical subjects discussed here had first-hand experience with racism, fascism, and bigotry, whether in their home or public lives, and resisted those forms of hegemony by fashioning anthropological theories to explain and appreciate human diversity.     

‘A Shop Window Where You Can Choose the Goods You Like’

This article examines the Finnish industrial and trade fairs held in the Soviet Union in the context of Finnish–Soviet trade and scientific–technical cooperation in the 1950s and 1960s. While primarily focused on fairs, it also discusses different activities that accompanied them, such as lectures, visits, and negotiations between Finnish traders and Soviet officials and specialists. This study illustrates how such first-hand contact played an important role in Finnish–Soviet communications. First, they helped Finnish producers showcase their goods and technologies directly to Soviet buyers in various ministries and organizations. Second, these contacts included diverse activities such as face-to-face contacts, lectures, and seminars, being a means of technology transfer from Finland to the USSR . Finally, although they were commercial interactions without explicit ideological purposes – like many international exhibitions of the last century – Finnish fairs demonstrated a technological gap between Finland and the USSR.     

Abdul Ghaffar Khan: An Islamic Gandhi

Abstract

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a mid-twentieth-century Pashtun of the Northwest Frontier Region known as the "Frontier Gandhi" or the "Islamic Gandhi." His career was marked by rejection of the badal blood feud, and the belligerent Pashtun tribal code. Accepting instead a non-violent interpretation of Islam, Khan was heavily influenced by Mohandas K. Gandhi, and came to interpret the heart of Islam, including the concepts of jihad, as essentially about peace, service, and non-violence. Khan traveled widely in the frontier region that later became Pakistan, and his most significant achievement was to raise a non-violent army of Khudai Khidmatgars or "Servants of God" from his own Pashtun people. His legacy is important to further understand a non-violent alternative of Islamic political resistance.     

论鄂豫皖根据地对抗日战争胜利的历史贡献

鄂豫皖根据地创立于土地革命战争时期,为全国第二大革命根据地。由该根据地诞生的红军部队,历经浴火斗争,在抗日战争爆发后分别改编为八路军和新四军主力部队,成为中共领导的重要抗日武装力量。根据地重视干部培养和人才集聚,为抗日斗争和日后中共建政,培养了大批干部人才。鄂豫皖根据地虽然长期孤悬敌后,但是在中共组织的坚强领导下,抗日武装队伍不断壮大,游击战争始终得以坚持,有力打击和牵制了敌伪顽力量,根据地成为中共抗日武装东进南下的桥头堡,为抗日战争的最终胜利以及中共"绾毂中原"在全国取得胜利,发挥了重要的战略作用。     

The Diwaniah: A Traditional Kuwaiti Social Institution in a Political Role

A s sociologists try to uncover the reasons why Kuwait was not only able to endure the oppression of the Iraqi invasion and occupation but also to recover relatively rapidly, some social institutions in the country are being explored for their value in understanding the coping strategies available within the culture. One such traditional institution is the diwaniah. This informal institution in Kuwait served as a natural and largely unchallenged survival mechanism both during historical conflicts and turmoil as well as recently during the Iraqi invasion and occupation. As a culture-wide tradition, the diwaniah, by providing the meeting places for men to discuss important political and social issues, played several significant roles during the Iraqi invasion and occupation. In this paper, the author investigates the growth of and changes within the traditional institution of the diwaniah over the years in Kuwait, describing its structure and development, and evaluating its influence and the roles it has played in Kuwait's sociopolitical history. The study includes results of a an informal survey of the roles the diwaniah has played during the last decade in the social future of the diwaniah in Kuwait is positive and promising, because its importance and traditional influence are increasing each day. While the diwaniah is a Gulf Arab tradition, it is in Kuwait that it has maintained its strength. Kuwaitis are proud of this unique institution, they see how it helped them cope with the dangers of an occupying army, and they understand that it made possible the swift recovery after the war. Therefore, it is the wish of every Kuwaiti to preserve the diwaniah for the coming generations for the welfare of the society and the individual.     

Breaking the covenant: governance of the British army in the twenty-first century

This article argues that the military covenant between senior army commanders and soldiers is breaking down for two reasons: first, British forces are being engaged in new and controversial wars of choice, putting new and distinct pressures on the covenant; and second because senior military commanders have not fully appreciated the changes to their authority and power in governing the British army. It further suggests that military commanders, central staff and ministers need to acknowledge the scale of the internal challenges to the military covenant and develop appropriate responses. Drawing on examples from gender equality and sexual orientation, allegations of war crimes in Iraq, the military's duty of care and the proposed launch of a British Armed Forces Federation, this article argues that these challenges show that the military leadership has no choice but to rethink its outdated approach to governance of the British army, if it is to remain fi t for purpose. Without appropriate adaptation, army chiefs will have themselves contributed to the breaking of the military covenant, between the army and the individual soldier.     

The Military of Qajar Iran: The Features of an Irregular Army from the Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Century

The article examines the parameters of the irregular army in Qajar Iran, including its assembly, numbers, and provisions, as well as the army's organizational structure: its administration and the divisions of the ad hoc forces (provincial militia and tribal cavalry) and of the standing forces (the shah's bodyguard and artillery corps). Until the creation of the so-called regular army units in Iran at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the irregular army was regarded as the only military force in the service of the Qajar dynasty. Despite the existence of a “regular army,” irregular forces, particularly tribal cavalry, continued to play a significant role in Iran's military system throughout the nineteenth century. By understanding the features of the irregular army—its role in Qajar society, its organizational and social structures, its ethnic composition, and other characteristics—we can better understand the character of the state itself.     

Historical perspective: The British contribution to the understanding of neurocysticercosis

Neurocysticercosis, or brain infestation with the larval stage of Taenia solium, is the most common risk factor for epilepsy in many endemic regions of the world. Hardly any cases are seen in Western developed countries, including Britain. However, a sizeable number (n = 450) was seen among British soldiers returning from deputation to India, then a British colony, first reported by Col. MacArthur at the Queen Alexandria Military Hospital in 1931. Here, we review the influence of the perceptive observations of British Army medics on the understanding of the parasitic disorder. The majority of these people presented with epilepsy. Among the contributions of the army medics were establishing the diagnosis, initially by histological examination of subcutaneous and muscular infestation, and later by radiography, clarifying the prognosis and the role of medical and surgical treatments and uncovering the close relationship between the larval (cysticercosis) and adult (intestinal tapeworm) stages of T. solium.     

论曹爽之败

公元249年发生在魏国的高平陵政变,反映的是代表世家大族利益的曹爽集团和司马懿集团争权夺利的矛盾。曹爽集团之惨败,原因在于其所重用之人多为品格卑劣、少不更事的浮华交会之徒。他们既无经国治军的才能,又日益专擅、贪贿、颟顸和腐化。隐藏于背后的必然性则是中国专制的皇室下龙种而生跳蚤的铁则。     

Indigènes after Indigènes: post-war France and its North African troops

This article focuses on North African soldiers who served in the French army of occupation in western Germany after its liberation in 1945. Taking as its starting point Rachid Bouchareb's 2006 film, Indigènes, the article contrasts claims the film made about the memorial exclusion of the colonial soldier with his surprising centrality to French accounts of their own military exploits. Using publications issued by the army for its internal readership and archival records of the military occupation's day-to-day activities, the author argues for a modified understanding of the French Republican notion of assimilation that is able to take account of the prolific representation of the North African soldier, and his accommodation, in Cold War Germany.