St Anselm of Canterbury: the philosopher-saint as politician

From the beginning of Anselm's career as abbot of Bec he was a shrewd and skilful politician. Eadmer describes him as using a certain ‘holy guile’, having great psychological insight, and using methods of kindly persuasion supplemented by logical argument to gain his ends.This pattern is reflected in the church-state controversies in England. Anselm outlined this method to his successor at Bec, showing him an effective way of advancing and enriching his monastery.Anselm had a definite program of reform for the English church. From the beginning he had a vision of the archbishop of Canterbury as primate of Britain, a co-ruler of the kingdom. Anselm also claimed certain specific rights: to recognize and contact the papacy; to hold councils for the reform of the church; to receive the archbishopric free from simony; to hold the lands of Canterbury free from the king's control or from extraordinary taxes; and to ban lay investitute.During his rule Anselm accomplished all these goals, one by one, by taking advantage of times when the kings were faced with political crises and pressing his claims just then. He acted shrewdly, at times with ‘holy guile’, at times with skilful negotiation, but always aware of the potent effect of public opinion. Thus Anselm reflected the growing concept of raison d'état in the Anglo Norman state, and thereby used his raison d'église more effectively.     

St Anselm and the English investiture controversy reconsidered

The Investiture Controversy in England has generally been viewed as a two-sided contest between king and pope. But in reality the struggle was between three parties — king, pope, and primate. St Anselm, devoted to his duties as God's steward of his office and its privileges, worked against both King Henry I and Pope Paschal II to bring into reality his idea of the proper status of the primate of all Britain. Anselm had a vision of a political model which he conceived as God's ‘right order’ in England, and all his efforts were directed toward fulfilling this vision.The Investiture Contest may be divided into two parts. The first phase began when Anselm was thwarted by Henry I's duplicity in the archbishop's attempt to force the king to accept the decrees of Rome at the height of a political crisis. Anselm may have seen these decrees as beneficial to the Canterbury primacy. From 1101 to 1103, Anselm wavered between supporting either party completely, meanwhile securing from Paschal all the most important privileges for the primacy of Canterbury. Each time Paschal refused to grant a dispensation for Henry, as Anselm requested, he granted Anselm a privilege for the primacy. Thus Anselm's vision of the primate as almost a patriarch of another world, nearly independent of the pope, was fulfilled by 1103.At this point, Anselm abandoned his vacillation between king and pope, and worked seemingly on behalf of Paschal, but in reality on behalf of the Canterbury primacy. During this second phase, Anselm's political adroitness becomes clear by a correlation, never before made, between the church-state controversy and Henry's campaign to conquer Normandy. By careful maneuvering and skilful propaganda, Anselm forced Henry to choose between submitting to the investiture decree or failing in his attempt to conquer Normandy. At the settlement, a compromise was worked out, Henry conceding on investitures, and Paschal conceding on homage. But investiture was only secondary to Anselm. He ended the dispute not when Henry submitted on investitures, but only when he had gained from Henry concessions which made the primate almost a co-ruler with the king, as his political vision demanded. Only after a public reconcilliation with his archbishop did Henry feel free to complete the Norman campaign.Thus the Investiture Controversy was a three-way struggle. Both king and pope compromised, each giving up some of their goals. But Anselm emerged from the contest having won nearly all his political objectives.     

St Anselm and the English investiture controversy reconsidered

The Investiture Controversy in England has generally been viewed as a two-sided contest between king and pope. But in reality the struggle was between three parties — king, pope, and primate. St Anselm, devoted to his duties as God's steward of his office and its privileges, worked against both King Henry I and Pope Paschal II to bring into reality his idea of the proper status of the primate of all Britain. Anselm had a vision of a political model which he conceived as God's ‘right order’ in England, and all his efforts were directed toward fulfilling this vision.The Investiture Contest may be divided into two parts. The first phase began when Anselm was thwarted by Henry I's duplicity in the archbishop's attempt to force the king to accept the decrees of Rome at the height of a political crisis. Anselm may have seen these decrees as beneficial to the Canterbury primacy. From 1101 to 1103, Anselm wavered between supporting either party completely, meanwhile securing from Paschal all the most important privileges for the primacy of Canterbury. Each time Paschal refused to grant a dispensation for Henry, as Anselm requested, he granted Anselm a privilege for the primacy. Thus Anselm's vision of the primate as almost a patriarch of another world, nearly independent of the pope, was fulfilled by 1103.At this point, Anselm abandoned his vacillation between king and pope, and worked seemingly on behalf of Paschal, but in reality on behalf of the Canterbury primacy. During this second phase, Anselm's political adroitness becomes clear by a correlation, never before made, between the church-state controversy and Henry's campaign to conquer Normandy. By careful maneuvering and skilful propaganda, Anselm forced Henry to choose between submitting to the investiture decree or failing in his attempt to conquer Normandy. At the settlement, a compromise was worked out, Henry conceding on investitures, and Paschal conceding on homage. But investiture was only secondary to Anselm. He ended the dispute not when Henry submitted on investitures, but only when he had gained from Henry concessions which made the primate almost a co-ruler with the king, as his political vision demanded. Only after a public reconcilliation with his archbishop did Henry feel free to complete the Norman campaign.Thus the Investiture Controversy was a three-way struggle. Both king and pope compromised, each giving up some of their goals. But Anselm emerged from the contest having won nearly all his political objectives.     

Rousseau intimiste et la fusion des cultures?

Rousseau est certainement un des écrivains français qui interroge le plus car la multiplicité de son oeuvre reflète une ambiguïté. C'est en effet l'homme du discours logique et de la rêverie, de l'oeuvre philosophique, politique, lyrique et intime: un long itinéraire ‘de la marche de la raison au tragique de la recherche d'un salut individuel’.¹ Ce qui nous intéresse ici, c'est l'aspect intime, c'est Rousseau intimiste dans son rapport avec la culture ou les cultures; sa démarche et son interrogation sur le monde sont au coeur de sa vie.     

"Unworthy Servants": The Rhetoric of Resignation at Canterbury, 1070–1170

Medieval attempts to resign episcopal office hold many complexities: legal issues, religious ramifications, and the personal motivations behind such acts. Taken at face value, appeals to resign appear direct and explicit; bishops desire release from an office they feel unworthy to hold, or in which they feel they have accomplished little. On closer scrutiny, however, many of these texts reveal purposes quite apart from resignation. Indeed, the attempts of three archbishops of Canterbury to resign office in the eleventh and twelfth centuries reveal strikingly similar rhetorical devices that indicate less a desire to leave office than to bolster the archbishops' spiritual authority. The requests of Lanfranc, Anselm, and Thomas Becket employ language designed to reinforce episcopal centrality at times when kings and even popes dis-regarded its importance, at least in the eyes of these archbishops. Despite the differ-ing circumstances that gave rise to each appeal for resignation, the stylized discourse in all of them suggests a need to make specific points that would rouse support for or bolster the perception of the requestor's episcopal status. All three archbishops, as well as their chroniclers or biographers, saw issues of Canterbury's leadership in the spiritual life of England at stake, and resignation became the means to pro-mote and advance the episcopal cause. By bringing repeated phrases of unworthiness or lack of accomplishment into their appeals for resignation, each man sought a response that would reassure him of his worthiness and ability to lead Canterbury.     

William Temple: Christianity and the Life of Fellowship

Abstract

William Temple is best known for his contribution to the forging of a social consensus that resulted in the foundation of the post-war British welfare state following his untimely death in 1944 after only two years as Archbishop of Canterbury. Widely regarded as the most theologically gifted holder of that office since Anselm, his pioneering contribution to the elucidation of a methodology for Christian social ethics which emphasized the role of ‘Principles’ that should inform Christian social action and reflection reinvigorated the Church of his generation in the task of bringing to bear the Christian message on social problems. What is less well appreciated is how he was not only the spokesperson for the most advanced Christian witness in the inter-war years, but that he also provided a basis for Christian ethics that brought together the strengths of the Anglican incarnational theology stemming from F. D. Maurice with the British tradition of philosophical social idealism. Often moving from the circumference to the centre, he sought to relate philosophical questions and insights to the richness of the revelation of God in the person of Jesus Christ. He was as at home in this task as he was in leading a mission on a Blackpool beach and the British public loved him for it. He was, as Winston Churchill said at the time of his elevation to Canterbury, "the half-crown article in a penny bazaar."     

Alphonse Aulard Revisited

Alphonse Aulard (1849–1928) institutionalised and professionalised the practice of history. Beyond this undisputed contribution, however, Aulard's place in historiography remains contested. Scholars' perceptions that anti-clerical and radical-republican commitments skewed his research findings, and that he chose narrowly to study history as a series of constitutional, institutional and political developments in stark contrast with his student Albert Mathiez, have divided opinion regarding the beliefs and significance of Aulard. Yet Aulard's work and the cultural and political contribution it made have become a source of inspiration for a generation of scholars now studying revolutionary and European history. Based for the first time on an examination of his private papers, professional activities and oeuvre in tandem, this article revisits Aulard, and, using a post-analytic hermeneutics, re-reads his work in order to show how in his age Aulard advanced a demonstrably original contribution to historical research. He likewise left behind him a neo-Jacobin legacy more attentive to raison d'état than party division and championing international, liberal democracy and human rights. Multifaceted commitments therefore both explain the content of Aulard's oeuvre and help to understand contemporary developments, and suggest future directions, in historical enquiry.     

La lutte pour la supranationalité en Europe: un combat contre des chimères? L'engagement de l'Union européenne des Fédéralistes pour la Communauté Politique européenne (1952–1954)

Militant federalism in postwar Europe contrasted with moderate Europeanism by asking for an integrated European society. Its main organ, l'Union européenne des Fédéralistes (created in December 1946), was immediately on the defensive against better organised European movements. Persevering, the UEF maintained its vanguard role and became increasingly heard as European integration progressed after the CED project and Schuman plan. The federalist influence became more prominent through political discourses and events that seemed to favour its integrationist logic. This hope was crushed by the 20 August crime which pushed the federal idea aside as Utopian. Yet federalists undoubtedly broadened their activities and evolved from being advisers to actually influencing the treatise of the Communauté politique européenne (article 38). External events undoubtedly played a role, as did the cold war; by making the European project a more viable solution, the federalists used this opportunity but their relative successes could not hide a weak coalition that would not resist the difficult political climate of the period.

résumé ?Le fédéralisme militant, tel qu'il apparaît dès l'après-guerre, ne peut que trancher par rapport à un européisme majoritairement modéré, dans la mesure où il réclame d'emblée la constitution d'une société véritablement intégrée au niveau européen: son principal représentant, l'Union européenne des Fédéralistes (créée en décembre 1946), entre tout de suite ‘en résistance’ face à des groupes plus prestigieux, qui vont être à la base de la création du Mouvement Européen. L'UEF doit alors défendre son originalité dans une période qui ne semble pas propice aux succès de ses idées. Cette persévérance a permis au mouvement fédéraliste de devenir le mouvement le plus à la pointe du combat européen et le plus écouté de ses pairs, à partir du moment où l'idée d'intégration n'est plus aussi marginale, avec le Plan Schuman puis le projet de CED, auquel vient s'ajouter très vite celui de CPE. L'influence fédéraliste se fait alors sentir à travers des débats, des discours, des faits qui semblent donner raison à la logique intégratrice. La désillusion n'en sera que plus forte lorsque sera perpétré le ‘crime du 30 août’, qui relègue toutes ces hautes priorités au rayon des utopies. Le mouvement a-t-il réellement été entendu des gouvernements, les seuls à même de transformer l'idée en réalité ? On peut remarquer, dans notre courte période, un élargissement de sa sphère d'influence. Cette fonction de ‘conseillers’, dans laquelle les fédéralistes excellent de plus en plus, évolue elle-même avec le temps, de la simple préparation psychologique à l'idée européenne, à laquelle l'UEF n'est pas seule partie prenante, à la fonction d'‘éminence grise’, qui permet au mouvement de contribuer à changer l'esprit du traité politique européen le plus audacieux, celui de la Communauté politique européenne (article 38). Il convient de s'interroger sur le rôle de la conjoncture internationale dans cette évolution. Celle-ci est en effet consubstantielle à l'histoire de l'UEF, comme elle l'est à l'idée d'Europe dans l'après-guerre: c'est la Guerre froide qui rétrécit l'espace européen susceptible de s'unir, mais qui l'érige en espoir. Les fédéralistes, surpris de cette aubaine, sauront en profiter et trouver les bons interlocuteurs. L'impression dominante est cependant que l'action fédéraliste, qui va effectivement profiter des grands débats européens qui émaillent la première moitié des années cinquante, ne repose pas sur des bases bien stables. Peut-être est-ce du à l'hétérogénéité trop importante du Fédéralisme, dont le ‘front commun’ ne pouvait pas sérieusement résister aux aléas et aux révisions constantes entraînés par un contexte dramatique qui échappe aux Européens eux-mêmes.     

LES SITES WEB DE QUATRE MUNICIPALITÉS FRANÇAISES AU CRIBLE DE LA GÉOGRAPHIE DES REPRÉSENTATIONS

L'objectif de cette étude est d'éclairer la question des représentations municipales sur le Web à partir de l'observation de quatre sites Internet des communes d'lssy-les-Moulineaux, Marly-le-Roi, Metz et Parthenay. Cet échantillon ne se veut pas représentatif de l'ensemble des sites municipaux français dont l'immense majorité ne recouvre qu'une prosaïque vocation promotionnelle (pour caricaturer: venez visiter notre ville, ses spécialités, son musée, ses hôtels, ses restaurants, son église…). Nous avons donc sélectionné quatre sites qui remplissent de fait — grâce notamment à l'investissement personnel de leur maire au projet —à la fois la fonction de vitrine de ce qui «se fait de mieux» en France en matière d'implantation des Technologies d'Information et de Communication dans une commune, et de laboratoire, compte tenu du fait que les quatre expérimentations sont reconnues d'utilités publiques par le ministère de l'Industrie et auréolées du label «autoroute de l'information». L'objectif de cette étude n'est pas de faire une évaluation du projet-laboratoire et de ses impacts socio-spatiaux sur le territoire local, mais s'applique davantage à analyser le projet-vitrine à partir des observations de leur site Web. Elle tente de démontrer comment un projet de développement local novateur passe nécessairement par une mise en visibilité forte sur un média qui est à la fois support et contenu, (média et médium selon une expression macluhanienne) dans un monde, celui de la communication politique, où le discours est partie intégrante de l'action. The objective of this study is to shed light on the question of municipal representation on the Web, based on observations of the Internet of four French ‘communes’: Issy-les-Moulineaux, Marly-le-Roi, Metz and Parthenay. This sample is not representative of all French municipality sites, of which the large majority exist only for promotional uses (‘come and visit our city, its specialties, its museum, its hotels, its restaurants, its church…’). We have chosen four sites which serve - thanks to the personal investments of the cities' mayors in the projects - as showcases of the best examples of the establishment of information and communication technologies in ‘communes’ and as a laboratory. This last, because the Ministry of Industry has recognized that the four experiments are useful to the public and so has given them the name ‘information highway’. The purpose of this study is not to evaluate the laboratory aspect of the projects and their social and spatial impacts on their local territories but to analyze the showcase aspects of the projects, based on observations of the communes' websites. It attempts to demonstrate how new local development projects automatically acquire high visibility in a medium that is both support and content (medium and message, to use McLuhan's expression) in a world of political communication where speech is an integral part of action.     

Services for immigrant women: an evaluation of locations

The Toronto region receives one‐quarter of new immigrants to Canada and they become widely dispersed throughout the metropolitan area. Most immigrants arrive with language, social and cultural needs, creating demand for social services from existing agencies. ‘How can agencies choose locations that meet the needs of new immigrants?’ is the central focus. The results of a study in Metropolitan Toronto of 68 nonprofit agencies that provide a variety of settlement services for immigrant and refugee women are discussed. Immigrant and language groups and the agencies serving them are mapped; the locations of agencies are evaluated. While service agencies are responding to the arrival of new groups and the spatial dispersion of new immigrants, more services in the northern portions of the study area are required. The spatial dispersion of some language groups means that they have poorer access to services than groups that are concentrated in the traditional immigrant reception area. La région de Toronto accueille le quart des immigrants au Canada, et ceux‐ci sont dispersés dans l'agglomération torontoise. La plupart d'entre eux ont des exigences linguistiques, sociales et culturelles qui augmentent la demande en services sociaux dispensés par les organismes en place. Ce document porte essentiellement sur la façon dont ces derniers determinent les lieux de prestation de services qui répondront le mieux aux besoins des immigrants. II est également question des résultats d'une étude menée dans la communauté urbaine de Toronto auprés de 68 organismes à but non lucratif offrant un éventail de services d'établissement pour les immigrantes et les réfugiées. Les immigrants et les groupes linguistiques, ainsi que les organismes qui les servent, y sont répertoriés géographiquement. La localisation de ces organismes fait aussi l'objet d'une évaluation. La plupart répondent déjà aux besoins des nouveaux venus et tiennent compte de leur dispersion mais, selon cette étude, il faudrait plus de services dans le nord de l'agglomération torontoise. En raison de cet éparpillement, certains groupes linguistiques ont plus difficilement accès à des services que d'autres qui se trouvent dans les zones d'ancrage habituelles.     

Safe place or ‘catastrophic society’? Perspectives on hazards and disasters in Canada

The essay introduces public risk and destructive events in Canada, their conceptual and policy implications. The discussion is developed in four main steps. First, some widely held, if contradictory, perceptions of public security are identified. A relatively high level of personal safety for most Canadians is attributed to large government and private investments. But these have not prevented recurring disasters, nor singular vulnerability for certain groups and parts of the country. Meanwhile, some novel dangers of modern living compromise the safety of all Canadians. The second section examines evidence of losses from a broad range of hazards, and related, risk‐averting investments. The national geography of dangers is shown to have been transformed and reorganized by post‐World War II developments. Losses, even from natural hazards, are identified with common, nationwide behaviours and infrastructure, especially motorised mobility and consumer products. A fourth section looks at some appropriate conceptual frameworks. Charles Perrow's idea of ‘organizational society’ is considered, and Ulrich Beck's of ‘risk society’, including his view that late modern societies shift towards a ‘catastrophic’ condition. In general, the Canadian scene and these ideas support a human ecological view of modernity, but challenge an agent‐specific and extreme event approach that had prevailed in hazards geography. ‘Manufactured’ vulnerability is a neglected but decisive element. The social space of risks is shown to be recast around changing priorities for, and social justice in, public security and emerging crises of personal safety. Risk aversion turns upon questions of the acceptability of risks, acceptance for and by whom, and how it is achieved. For academic work, this suggests a reexamination of risk knowledge and its ‘social construction’. La dissertation aborde le sujet des évènements destructifs et du risque public au Canada, leurs implications conceptuels et de principe. La discussion est développée en quatre étapes principales. Premièrement, certaines perceptions de la sécurité publique tenues par beaucoup, non sans être contradictoires, sont identifiées. Un niveau relativement élevé de sécurité personnelle pour la plupart des canadiens est attribuéà un gouvernement de grande taille et aux investissements privés mais ceux‐ci n'ont pas empêché des désastres de se reproduire, ni une vulnérabilité singulière pour certains groupes et certains endroits du pays. Entretemps, de nouveaux dangers de la vie moderne compromettent la sécurité de tous les canadiens. La deuxième section examine la preuve d'une perte à partir d'une gamme étendue de risques et d'investissement risqués et apparentés. II est montré que la géographie nationale des dangers a été transformée et réorganisée par des développements de l'après seconde guerre mondiale. Les pertes, même provenant de risques naturels, sont identifiées avec des comportements et infrastructures en commun et dans tout le pays, spécialement la mobilité motorisée et les produits de consommation. Une quatrième section examine les supports de travail conceptuels appropriés. L'idée de Charles Perrow d'une ‘société structurelle’ est prise en considération, et celle d'Ulrich Beck d'une ‘sociétéà risque’ comprenant sa vue que les dernières sociétés modernes s'accélèrent vers une condition ‘catastrophique’. En général, le monde canadien et ces idées soutiennent une vue humaine et écologique de la modernité, mais défie un agent spécifique et une approche extrême des évènements qui avait prévalu dans la géographie des risques. La vulnérabilité‘fabriquée’ est un élément négligé mais décisif. II est démontré que le rôle de l'espace de risques social est redistribué selon des priorités qui changent pour, et la justice sociale dans, la sécurité publique et les crises qui émergent dans la sécurité personnelle. L'aversion des risques révolve autour des questions d'acceptabilité des risques, risques acceptés pour et par qui, et la façon dont cela est accompli. En ce qui concerne un travail théorique, cela suggère une réexamination de la connaissance des risques et de sa ‘construction sociale’.     

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: EUROCENTRISM IN GEOGRAPHY -THE CASE OF ASIAN URBANIZATION*

This address is in the nature of a series of reflections on underlying intellectual premises that characterize the relationship between Western geographers (defined as those practitioners who generally reside in Anglo-America, Western Europe, Australia, and New Zealand) and the part of the world called Asia. The argument presented is that this relationship is essentially one-sided, in which the Western geographers have defined Asia in their Eurocentric terms. This is part of a broader discourse that may be labelled ‘Orientalism.’ The author, who has spent more than 30 years carrying out research on Asia, analyses these intellectual assumptions in terms of his own experience and suggests how a realization of the Eurocentric premises have enabled him largely to discard them and develop a new model of Asian urbanization. Finally, these trends are related to geography's increasing engagement in the main discourse of social theory. Dans ce discours, il s'agit d'une série de considérations sur les prémisses intellectuelles qui caractérisent les relations entre les géographes occidentaux (soit ceux qui habitent en Amérique anglophone, en Europe de l'ouest, en Australie, et à Nouvelle-Zélande) et les geographes de l'Asie. L'argument est presenté du point de vue des geographes occidentaux, qui decrivent l'Asie en termes eurocentriques. Ceci fait partie d'un sujet plus large, qu'on pourrait nommer ‘l'Orientalisme.’ L'auteur, qui a fait plus de trente ans de recherches sur l'Asie, fait I'analyse de ces premisses dans le cadre de sa propre expérience, et il suggère que la mise en évidence des prémisses eurocentriques lui a permis de les reletter en gros et de développer un nouveau modèle pour décrire l'urbanisation asiatique. Finalernent, l'auteur fait le lien entre ces tendances et le rôle de plus en plus important joué par les geographes dans la dornaine de la théorie sociale en général. From this vantage point, a question somewhat different from that of most historical sociologists arises. Almost all Western writing has been both Eurocentric and written from the hindsight of the 19th and 20th centuries. It has posed the question, crudely paraphrased: What was so special about the West that made it, rather than some other region, the “master” of the world system? Put this way, the question has a self-congratulatory ring. It looks into the special qualities of the West to account for its success. By contrast, then, it judges the other contenders as deficient insofar as they lacked the characteristics of the West. (Janet Abu-Lughod 1978–1979, 6)     

Day centres for homeless people: spaces of care or fear?

It is now widely argued that the contemporary city is becoming an increasingly hostile environment for homeless people. As basic street survival strategies are criminalized and public space ‘purified’ of those whose ‘spoiled’ identities threaten to ‘taint’ fellow members of the public, city authorities seem to have turned from a position of ‘malign neglect’ to more obviously punitive measures designed to contain and control homeless people. Less widely acknowledged but equally prevalent, however, is a parallel rise in the ‘urge to care’; evident in the growing number of night shelters, hostels and day centres emerging in recent years to provide shelter and sustenance to homeless people. This paper contributes to a small but growing body of work examining the development of the ‘spaces of care’ springing up in the interstices of a ‘revanchist’ city, by examining the development and internal dynamics of day centres for homeless people in the UK. Drawing upon a national survey of service providers, and a series of interviews and participant observations with day centre staff and users, the paper argues that day centres act as important sources of material resource and refuge for a highly stigmatized group. However, it warns against the romantic tendencies implicit in the notion of ‘spaces of care’, emphasizing that what for one person may operate as a ‘space of care’ might, for another, be experienced as a space of fear. The paper concludes by noting the ambiguity and fragility of such spaces within the wider ‘revanchist’ city.

Les centres d'hébergement temporaire pour itinérants: espaces de soins ou de peur?

On affirme couramment que la ville contemporaine est en train de devenir un milieu de plus en plus hostile pour les itinérants. Pendant que les stratégies ordinaires de survie dans la rue sont érigées en crime et l'espace public est «purifié» de ceux dont les identités «souillées» risquent d' «entacher» les autres membres du public, les autorités de la ville sont moins disposées à appuyer une position de «négligence pernicieuse» que des mesures nettement plus punitives conçues pour contenir et contrôler les itinérants. Ce qui est moins reconnu mais aussi courant est la progression simultanée du «désir de donner des soins» que permet de témoigner la croissance depuis quelques années de foyers d'hébergement, de gîtes, et de centre d'hébergement temporaire qui offre un toit et des moyens de subsistance aux itinérants. Cet article contribue à enrichir le corpus d'une ampleur limitée mais grandissante sur l'émergence d' «espaces de soins» dans les interstices de la ville «revancharde» par l'examen du développement et les dynamiques internes de centres d'hébergement temporaire pour itinérants au Royaume-Uni. Cet article a recours à un sondage national sur les fournisseurs de services et à un éventail d'entrevues et d'observations participatives auprès d'employés et d'usagers des centres d'hébergement temporaire. Il y est proposé que ces centres servent de lieu de distribution de ressources matérielles et de refuge pour un ensemble de personnes très défavorisées. L'article prend toutefois ses distances par rapport au penchant romantique implicite dans l'idée d' «espaces de soins», et souligne que les processus à l'?uvre peuvent être le reflet d'un «espace de soins» pour une personne ou celui d'une expérience d'un «espace de peur» pour une autre. Cet article termine par le constat qu'à l'échelle de la grande ville «revancharde», ces espaces demeurent ambigus et fragiles.

Centros diurnos para la gente sin techo: ¿lugares de asistencia o de miedo?

Hoy en día se reconoce que la ciudad contemporánea representa un lugar cada vez más hostil para la gente sin techo. A la vez que se criminalizan las estrategias básicas de sobrevivencia en la calle y se ‘purifican’ los espacios públicos, sacando a personas cuyas identidades ‘arruinadas’ amenazan con ‘contaminar’ a otros miembros del público, las autoridades cívicas parecen haber dejado su postura de ‘negligencia maligna’ a favor de medidas más punitivas, concebidas para contener y controlar a la gente sin techo. Menos reconocido, pero no menos corriente, es el aumento paralelo del ‘impulso a asistir’, evidente en el número cada vez mayor de refugios nocturnos, hogares y centros diurnos que han surgido en recientes años donde les dan alojamiento y alimento a los sin techo. Este papel contribuye a un conjunto de trabajo que examina el desarrollo de ‘espacios de asistencia’ que surgen en los intersticios de una ciudad ‘revanchista’, por medio de un estudio del desarrollo y la dinámica interna de los centros diurnos para los sin techo en el Reino Unido. Haciendo uso de un estudio nacional de las organizaciones que proporcionan servicios para los sin techo, y de una serie de entrevistas con funcionarios y usuarios de los centros diurnos, el papel sugiere que los centros diurnos sirven como fuentes importantes de recursos materiales y de refugio para un grupo muy estigmatizado. Sin embargo, argumenta en contra de las tendencias románticas que son implícitas en la noción de ‘espacios de asistencia’ y enfatiza que lo que puede servir como un ‘espacio de asistencia’ para una persona puede ser experimentado como una espacio de miedo por otra persona. El papel concluye por notar la naturaleza ambigua y frágil de estos espacios dentro de la ciudad ‘revanchista’ más amplia.     

A house divided: San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia and the politics of Pope John XXII

In 1327, Pope John XXII issued a bull granting the Hermits of St Augustine shared possession of San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia, a church that had been controlled solely by the Canons Regular for over 100 years. The ostensible purpose of the bull was to ‘reunite’ the Hermits with their putative founder, St Augustine, whose relics had been brought to the church by the Lombard king Liutprand. This article traces the process by which the Hermits' long and mutually rewarding relationship with the papacy shaped the order's distinctive theological focus on papal supremacy, that, in part, explains John XXII's apparent generosity regarding San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro. I propose that this unprecedented bull was part of a carefully crafted policy of political action and retribution by the Pope in his battle with the Visconti and the Empire for temporal control of northern Italy. The role of the city of Pavia as the epicentre in the struggle between the papacy and the Empire is elucidated as is the overtly political acitivity of both religious orders at San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, the Canons Regular allied with the Empire, the Hermits, with the papacy.     

LE RANG D'ARRIÈRE-FLEUVE EN NOUVELLE-FRANCE

Le ‘rang d'arrière-fleuve’, désignant les lignes d'éta-blissements ne touchant pas au Saint-Laurent, constitue une phase essentielle dans la consolidation du système rangique. Quelques sous-types de ‘rang intérieur’ ont deux rangs simples dos à dos, rangs parallèles en profon-deur, deux rangs de rivière se faisant face, écoumène d'interfluve, côte double, rang d'affluent. Contrairement à des énoncés, le rang d'arrière-fleuve a pu être presque contemporain du rang du fleuve. L'ensemble du paysage rural ne présente pas les traits réguliers attendus; la carte de Gédéon de Catalogne monire moult variations dans l'orientation, la largeur et la profondeur des lots, le nombre de terres par rangee, la superficie du rang, l'interruption des rangs du fleuve par des rangs d'affluent (1709). A L'Assomption, seulement 20 pour-cent des lots ont les ‘trente arpents’ des romans. Les clôtures, d'une longueur déjà etonnante, caractérisent le paysage compagnard. Les déterminatifs premier et deuxierne de même que les génériques et spécifiques des toponymes de rang sont l'objet d'un flottement notionnel et de synonymie. Le nombre total des rangs du fleuve et des rangs d'arrière-fleuve demeure faible; en 1700, il n'y a encore que 1 pour-cent de tous les rangs qui seront un jour créés au Québec, mais ce paysage agraire sera durable. ‘Rangs d'arriere-fleuve’: these line villages, which do not border the St. Lawrence River, correspond to a major period in the long-lot system. Some sub-types have rows of lots joined at their backs, repetitive single ranges inside the bush, two arrangements facing each other across a river, double concessions, and colonization along a trib- utary stream. Near inland settlements have almost the same age as shore settlements. Rural landscapes show an irregular pattern. Cedeon de Catalogne mapped, in 1709, variations pertaining to dimension of plots, including position, width, depth, number per row and row surface area, and row discontinuity caused by tributary streams. Heavy fences are also a characteristic. Place-name study indicates some inconsistency in the use of First, Second, and in basic components; synonyms were numerous. The French R6gime did notproduce a great number of rows; by 1700, they represented only 1 per cent of all concessions eventually created in Quebec, but their impact on the landscape has been long-lasting.     

Du Rutabaga et Encore du Rutabaga: Daily Life in Vichy France

‘Amerindians’ represent only a small proportion—currently estimated at 3–4%—of the sparse but rapidly growing population of France's South American département d'outre-mer. Yet the existence of ‘autochthonous’ communities in Guyane presents legal, political, cultural and environmental challenges to the concepts of republican universalism ostensibly established in 1946 alongside its status as an overseas department of France. Using an Amerindian cultural centre as a case study, this article seeks to explain how representations of ‘Amerindian’ identities in Guyane are constructed both alongside and against a traditional framework of opposition between universal commonality and cultural particularism. Through engagement with museum ethnography and analysis of personal narrative and collective action, the article traces conflicts and compromises surrounding ‘indigeneity’ and citizenship in the face of state non-recognition of ethnicity. It argues that the politics of Amerindian identity, from citizenship rights to ecotourism, has increasingly been characterised by an emphasis on ‘ecological’ relationships.

Les « Amérindiens » ne constituent que 3 à 4 % de la population de la Guyane – seul département d'outre-mer de France en Amérique du Sud – une population relativement faible et dispersée mais qui connaît une croissance rapide. Cependant, l'existence de communautés « autochtones » dans ce département présente des défis juridiques, politiques, culturels et environnementaux face à l’universalisme républicain établi au moment où la Guyane est devenue département, en 1946. Cet article s'appuie sur le cas d'un centre culturel amérindien pour exposer comment les représentations de l'identité « amérindienne » en Guyane se construisent à la fois avec et contre l'opposition traditionnelle entre les communalités universellement partagées et le particularisme culturel. S'appuyant sur l'ethnographie muséologique et sur l'analyse des récits individuels et de l'action collective, l'article reconstitue les conflits et les compromis autour de « l'autochtonie » et de la citoyenneté face à l'aveuglement officiel de l'État par rapport à l'idée de l'ethnicité. L'article suggère que, des droits citoyens à l'écotourisme, la politique identitaire « amérindienne » se caractérise de plus en plus par une emphase sur les relations sociales « écologiques »; c'est-à-dire entre hommes, femmes et environnement.     

KEY TECHNOLOGY INDUSTRIES IN THE WATERLOO REGION: CANADA'S TECHNOLOGY TRIANGLE (CTT)

Key technology industries, or high-tech industries, as they are frequently called, are often thought to provide a community with a sound economic base for present and future development. For this reason many communities try to attract or nurture such industries. This article presents results from a sample of 33 key technology firms in Canada's Technology Triangle (CTT), consisting of the cities of Guelph, Cambridge, and Kitchener-Waterloo. It suggests that many are local firms, small, frequently spin-offs of university research endeavours, and research-intensive. The larger ones are less research-intensive and more production oriented. All are surprisingly strongly tied, in terms of input and output linkages, to economic activities within a 100-km radius, which includes the Toronto area. Skilled labour and local residence / education are the strongest location factors. The relatively favourable industrial climate in the CTT region should enable key technology industries to flourish in the area. Il est supposé que les industries de haute technologie fournissent une base solide pour le développement éco-nomique des municipalités. Pour cette raison de nom-breuses communautés essaient d'attirer ou de faire naǐtre de telles industries. Cet article présente les résultats d'un sondage auprès de 33 entreprises de haute technologie dans les municipalités de Guelph, Cambridge et Kitchener-Waterloo (Triangle Technologique du Canada - TTC). En général, ce sont des entreprises locales souvent issues (spin-offs) de I'université de Waterloo, de taille petite et orientées vers la recherche. Par contre, les entreprises plus importantes sont moins orientées vers la recherche et plus vers la production. Toutes ces entreprises sont étroitement imbriquées en termes de liens d'entrée et de sortie; leurs activités économiques se situent dans un rayon de 100 km, qui inclut Toronto. Les facteurs de localisation les plus importants sont: ‘la main-d'oeuvre qualifiée' et la proximité des lieux résidence /éducation. Les conditions industrielles relativement favorables du CTT devraient aider les industries de haute technologie à prospérer dans cette région.     

Human need in rural developing areas: perceptions of wildlife conservation experts

‘Sustainable use’ and ‘community‐based conservation’ are two contemporary concepts in wildlife conservation policy. Their rise represents a shift away from traditional conservation techniques, and a merging of narratives about conservation and development. While policy statements by major conservation organisations emphasise the necessity of the shift, evidence to date suggests that, in practice, implementation of these concepts has been limited. This paper considers the extent to which sustainable use and community‐based conservation have been accepted (or not) by a specific group of conservation experts, and what this level of acceptance implies for conservation in practice. Based on in‐depth interviews with experts in marine turtle biology and/or conservation policy, the paper considers the willingness and ability of such experts to incorporate human development needs and issues into conservation activities. The suitability of conservation organisations as promoters of rural development, and implications of their further involvement as such, are discussed. Les principes de ‘l'utilisation durable’ et de ‘la protection de l'environnement par la communauté’ sont deux concepts courants dans la politique de la defense de la flore et de la faune. La montée de ces concepts représente un écart par rapport aux techniques traditionnelles de la défense de l'environnement, ainsi qu'un lieu de convergence ou les récits sur la protection des ressources naturelles, et sur développement se fusionnent. Bien que les déclarations de principe faites par d'importants organismes de protection soulignent la nécessité de poursuivre cette nouvelle orientation, il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la mise en pratique de ces concepts a été, jusqu'a présent, trés limitée. Cet article traitera de la mesure d'acceptation accordée à ces deux concepts, au sein d'un groupe spécifique de spécialistes en défense des ressources naturelles, ainsi que les répercussions de ce niveau d'acceptation pour la pratique de la protection. A partir d'entrevues en profondeur menées avec des experts en la biologie des tortues marines et/ou en la politique de leur protection, l'article examinera la volonté, ainsi que la capacité, de tels experts d'intégrer les exigences humaines aux activités de protection. Seront également considérées la question de l'aptitude de ces organismes de protection à promouvoir le développement rurale, et les consequences possibles de leur implication continue dans celui‐ci.     

The Poetics of Indeterminacy: Corneille's Le Cid

This article theorizes that it was an aesthetic motivation that prompted Corneille to leave Le Cid open-ended, despite his assertion in the 1660 examen that it was respect for the bienséances that obliged him to close the tragedy on such an uncertain note. While moral reservations may have played a role, surely an artist as committed to his craft as Corneille was motivated by some overriding aesthetic goal as well. In consequence, Chimène's defiance at the play's end must be viewed as an integral component of the tragedy and not just a reflection of the author's reluctance to violate dramaturgical precepts. I argue that by leaving the dénouement in doubt, Corneille draws deliberate attention to his aesthetic manipulation of the well-known historical/literary precedent. Additionally, and perhaps more importantly, his aesthetic manipulation of history shields Chimène's heroism from the quotidian reality of degradation and devolution that are the defining traits of non-aesthetic realities.