现代中国地方主义的政治解读

“地方主义”一词,20世纪20年代初在中国出现,其后至今被较多地使用;中外关于地方主义的阐释也颇为复杂;依据这些阐释和对“地方主义”一词的解构,结合现代中国的实际,地方主义的内涵应是地方心理观念、地方政治意识、地方政治行为及其思维和行为模式这样一个结构。关于现代中国地方主义的界定,国家的基本法律制度和政治制度应是基本标准;中央政策是一个重要标准;国家的政治传统是一个参照的方面。界定的立足点应在于：它必须出自地方,是地方的意识和行为;它的基本方面是地方对中央;它的本质是地方同中央争权夺利。     

博物馆的政治传播功能释读

博物馆作为一种大众媒介,是意识形态国家机器展示政治意图、传播政治信息的文化教育机构,是维系和支撑权力运作的空间载体。从政治传播的视角来看,博物馆以藏品为基础,通过内容设计、陈列展示、构建有效的政治符号等"再生产—解码"的方式来展示政治意图,当观众与现代语境下的展品价值发生接触时,展品就完成了政治文化信息的更新发展,从过去时变成现在进行时,成为观众学习的介质,从而实现政治传播的政治意义。     

民族文化的政治功能—认识欧洲一体化的一个视角

本文从民族文化的政治功能角度探讨民族文化差异对欧洲一体化的影响。文章认为,民族文化决定民族的行事方式,欧洲舞台上代表不同民族文化的行为者,其行为是各自民族文化的逻辑延伸,因而伴随欧洲一体化的深化和欧盟的东扩,基于民族文化差异的矛盾将凸显,并直接影响欧盟内部的合作,进而影响欧洲一体化的政治进程;欧盟必将承担协调民族文化摩擦和建设欧洲文化的任务。     

伊朗现代化进程中的世俗政治与宗教政治

世俗政治与宗教政治的此消彼长,是20世纪伊朗历史的突出现象。巴列维时代世俗政治的膨胀无疑是伊朗现代化进程的重要环节,霍梅尼时代现代宗教政治的滥觞则是巴列维时代世俗政治日趋膨胀的逻辑结果。世俗政治与宗教政治的矛盾运动,即巴列维时代什叶派传统宗教势力的衰落、世俗政治的强化与霍梅尼时代现代宗教政治的广泛发展以及后霍梅尼时代非伊斯兰化的初步政治倾向,构成伊朗政治现代化进程的历史模式。巴列维王朝的覆灭,为伊朗现代政治模式的走向成熟和民众广泛的政治参与开辟了道路。所谓的“头巾取代王冠“,标志着伊朗的政治现代化进入崭新的阶段。     

美国独立战争爆发前的政治辩论及其意义

独立战争爆发前十余年间 ,北美殖民地人士针对英国的“新殖民地政策”展开激烈辩论 ,阐述殖民地反对英国政策的理由和依据 ,辩论从伸张殖民地居民的权利开始 ,逐步发展到否认英国对北美的宗主权 ,为谋求独立制造思想舆论 ,为进行革命寻找理论根据。通过这场辩论 ,北美居民对殖民地的地位和命运的认识更为清醒 ,维护自由和争取独立的信念逐渐明确 ,《独立宣言》的理论思路和逻辑框架已具雏形 ;欧洲的政治哲学在辩论中转化为北美民众的常识 ,初步形成了独具特色的美国政治自由主义     

论晚清地缘政治困局

19世纪中叶,中国成为典型的陆海复合国家,东南海疆与北部陆疆一样,成为威胁国家安全的主要方向;地缘战略上的两难选择、强邻环伺的地缘政治环境和矛盾交汇的地缘战略区,是严重影响和制约晚清社会变迁的三大地缘政治困局;地理环境和生产力的长时段演进、全球范围内欧洲对亚洲的支配和工业文明对农业文明的冲击、晚清帝国的边缘化趋势,是三大困局之成因;清王朝之应对失误,为其覆亡埋下祸根。     

政治参与对社会主义民主政治建设的影响

公民的政治参与是指公民自愿地通过各种合法方式参与公共事务的决策和管理的行为,体现了现代社会政治民主化的必然要求。人民群众是政治参与的主体,政治参与的途径是具体参加政治运作过程。增强公民合理有序的政治参与,是加强基层民主建设、强化基层基础工作的重要内容,基层民主建设是社会主义民主最根本的实践。     

论以科学发展观指导大学生思想政治教育

加强和改进大学生思想政治教育是时代的需要,是科学发展观的要求。同时科学发展观也为加强和改进大学生思想政治教育提供了指导方向,即转变思想政治教育理念,确立学生主体地位;不断提高教师的思想政治素质;运用现代信息教育技术建立新的思想政治理论课教学模式;加强大学生思想政治教育中环境意识教育。     

中国传统政治文化对现代中国政治的影响

传统政治文化在中国传统政治中占据着重要地位。其中,作为中国传统政治文化主要内容的儒家学说为我国封建社会的政治稳定和经济发展起了巨大的推动作用。传统政治文化不仅在当时造成了震撼的影响,而且对现代中国政治经济的繁荣与稳定也起了不可磨灭的积极作用。于是,研究传统政治文化的历史影响就成为一件非常有意义的事情。     

后殖民时代移民问题的本质与政治共同体的重建

移民运动是世界历史的重要内容。由移民现象带来的社会张力,在现代历史的各个阶段和现代世界各个地区都普遍存在。本文从后殖民时代移民问题的本质、移民问题与民族国家政治结构的内在张力、一体化进程中主流政党社会政策的缺位、移民问题与现代世界体系的结构性矛盾等角度,提出了移民权利和政治共同体的重建问题,以及移民问题的解决与现代世界体系改造之间的逻辑联系。作者认为,后殖民时代的移民运动与以往移民运动的一个根本区别是外来移民与当地社会之间的角色互换,这种角色互换是后殖民时代移民问题的本质所在,也是移民问题成为世界关注之焦点的本质原因。     

对《范登堡决议案》的历史思考

《范登堡决议案》是美国大西洋联盟政策中的重要一环,在战后初期美国外交中发挥了重要作用。该决议案所确立的一些政治原则,如联合国框架下的"区域性安全"与"独立和集体自我防御"原则、"自助与相互援助"原则,成为大西洋联盟政策所尊奉的圭臬,对美国外交政策、国内政治实践、美欧联盟关系等,均产生了重要影响。但是,《范登堡决议案》也加剧了美国外交政策中的冷战对抗性;从长远看,《范登堡决议案》导致了美国内政外交的不稳定发展。     

THE VIETNAM WAR

This article investigates the role of the Vietnam War in Danish and Norwegian politics. We argue that Danish and Norwegian membership in NATO and an unstable parliamentary situation may explain why these countries, unlike Sweden, did not take on the lead in the international protest against the war. Non‐socialistic coalitions came to power in Norway and Denmark in the latter half of the 1960s which to an extent explains why the social democratic parties in both countries became more critical of the US. By the end of the 1960s, foreign policy as well as public attitudes towards the war converged in Denmark, Sweden and Norway, and in all three countries powerful protest movements emerged that were remarkably similar. The Vietnam War strengthened the left in general and promoted a leftist politics of solidarity that influenced Swedish, Danish and Norwegian foreign policy‐making of the 1970s.     

释“北洋”

"北洋",在中国近代史上是一个习见名词,内涵数变。其源头古意仅是地域名称。第二次鸦片战争后,转成官职概念。北洋大臣的设置是清朝外交从地方到中央的转变,从南到北位移的过渡,在李鸿章之手,天津的屏障外交作用得以充分发挥。到袁世凯的"北洋",含义再变,前此侧重外交和洋务的意味淡去,而更多地具有了军事政治派系的命意,进而成为中国主要统治集团的称谓。     

Sanctions and tourism: effects,complexities and research

Abstract

Despite the growing use of sanctions as a post-Cold War foreign policy instrument, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Although there is significant research on sanctions in political science, international relations, economics, and public policy, very few studies explicitly examine the effect of sanctions on tourism. This study therefore examines the intricate geopolitical relationship between sanctions and tourism via a scoping review of relevant literature. Each of the four main types of sanctions that were identified: financial, sectoral, diplomatic and individual, have different implications for tourism at various scales. The findings show that tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic and personal hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Nevertheless, despite the development of smart and targeted sanctions they rarely affect the coercive capacity of the targeted government and induce political behavioural change. Resistive economies can develop in response to sanctions in which domestic tourism assumes greater significance as a result of reductions in international mobility. Some destinations facing sanctions also focus on specific international markets from non-sanctioning countries as well as a country’s diaspora. Overall, the study of sanctions deepens knowledge of the interrelationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism and its ramifications for destinations. Significant gaps in knowledge for future research include the role of domestic politics in influencing sanctions policy, the selection of tourism as a specific target for sanctions, and the development of destination adaptation strategies to sanctions.     

The calm before the storm: A punctuated equilibrium theory of international politics

Research has shown that policymaking in numerous domestic policies, across a multitude of polities, systematically produces a pattern of change that matches Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (PET), characterized by many incremental and occasional dramatic changes. The field of International Relations (IR), however, has paid surprisingly little attention to PET, even though the same pattern of change is also found in international politics. This study attempts to fill this gap and explains stability and change in international politics based on PET. Specifically, we detail the dynamics behind this pattern of behavior, both at the domestic and the international level, as well as their interplay. The empirical section shows that different indicators of international politics, including troop deployments, foreign aid and international trade, follow a leptokurtic pattern of change, which characterizes Punctuated Equilibrium, and whereby changes in countries' behavior are generally incremental, representing periods of relative stability, and punctuated by large changes that dramatically overthrow existing policies. Moreover, our results indicate that policy outputs where greater friction is at play are more punctuated than those policies that cannot as easily or directly be managed. This study urges future research to further explore the dynamics of stability and change at the aggregate, international level.     

Who should pay for pollution? The OECD,the European Communities and the emergence of environmental policy in the early 1970s

Abstract

Environmental policy emerged as a new European and global policy field within a very brief period of time during the early 1970s. Notably in Europe, international organizations played a central role in defining core principles for this new policy domain. This article argues that inter-organizational connections were crucial in this context: the exchange and transfer of policy ideas facilitated the rise of environmental policy across different international organizations. Focusing on the co-evolution of the polluter-pays principle enshrined almost simultaneously both at the OECD and the European Communities, the article assesses the multiple routes along which policy ideas travelled, the role inter-organizational competition played and the selective nature of transfers. While expertise played a key role in determining which policy concepts were selected, institutional conditions and the politics of the recipient institution determined how they were adapted to the respective new context.     

Indian foreign policy and contemporary security challenges

India is fast emerging as an important player in regional and international arenas. However, it continues to be beset by a number of security challenges, both internally and externally. On the assumption that India's foreign policy has evolved in step with its domestic politics, this article briefly surveys the evolution of Indian domestic politics and foreign policy before discussing some of the domestic and international (including regional) security challenges India faces today. The article concludes that although economic diplomacy does at present serve India well in projecting power internationally, achieving great power status in the future will rest on the resolution of key political and security challenges.     

Myths and the political use of religion in Christian Democratic culture

Abstract

In this essay, the author will attempt to analyze the overall relationship established between the party of Christian Democracy (so named for its affiliation with a traditional religion) and the phenomena of the sacralization of politics that have so profoundly shaped the character of mass parties in the twentieth century. The quest for consensus led the Catholic party to adopt a new language, based on mythical thinking and profoundly indebted – in content and mode of communication – to the experiences of totalitarianism. The active rivalry with political religions marked, both in the phase of development and in the process of communication, the forms of mass political expression of Christian Democracy. De Gasperi's proposal concerning the definition of new identities and political affiliations, both on the national level and on the broader Western level (both in European and Atlantic terms) was the product of a unique ideological development in keeping with the requirements of modern mass politics.     

‘Meddling with Politics’: The Political Role of Foreign Missions in the Early Nineteenth Century

The proper character of the relationship between missionaries and politics shaped one of the most contentious debates within the first century of the modern missionary movement. While the leadership of the missionary societies repeatedly insisted upon the separation between the work of the gospel and politics, missionaries in the field frequently found it difficult to remove themselves from political controversies. John Philip and James Read served with the London Missionary Society in the Cape Colony for most of the first half of the 19th century. Their persistent defence of the interests of the colonial Khoi made them controversial figures in the debates over the social, political and economic structures of the Cape Colony. Missionaries like Read and Philip, rarely described their activities as ‘political’, and certainly did not conceive of their work as in any way related to the patronage‐ridden political system of the early 19th century. Nonetheless, in their promotion of the ideas of religious and civil equality, and in their effective use of public opinion to shape government and public perception of colonial policy, their actions reflected many of the important changes taking place in contemporary British politics. Dissenting political activity focused on the issues of the defence of religious liberty, the struggle to secure their own civil equality, and the debate over the proper relationship between church and state. These issues also played a crucial role in colonial politics throughout the period. This essay will illustrate the important role of the foreign missionary movement in this process. Examining the work of Philip and Read enables us to identify the ways that issues of domestic politics helped to shape the political debates emerging in Britain's expanding empire.     

Brazil as an intermediate state and regional power: action, choice and responsibilities

Since the early years of the twentieth century, Brazil's major foreign policy aspiration has been to achieve international recognition based upon the belief that it should assume its 'natural' role as a 'big country' in world affairs. Although the bases for an autonomous foreign policy have become more restricted in the post-Cold War period, Brazil still seeks to preserve an independent voice within the international community and a certain level of independent capacity to determine its actions. In addition, the country has demonstrated a clear intention of wanting to expand the roles that it plays and the responsibilities that it assumes in regional politics, in Third World agendas and in multilateral institutions. As democracy deepens its roots within the country, Brazil has attempted to link an increasingly activist stance in world affairs with political support at home based upon a more active partisan involvement in foreign policy. In this context, the present government's fight against poverty and unequal income distribution at home and its assertive and activist foreign policy can be viewed as two sides of the same coin. In this article the authors provide an overview of the core features of Brazilian foreign policy, focusing upon four aspects: (i) the instrumental nature of Brazilian foreign policy and its close relationship with the country's economic and development objectives; (ii) the commitment of Brazil to multilateralism; (iii) the growing importance for Brazil of regional politics and security; and (iv) the recent evolution of Brazil's relations with the United States. The conclusion reviews the main challenges facing Brazil and the difficulty of matching increased ambition with concrete results.