辛亥革命前英国对西藏的经济侵略和攫取的经济特权

一、1890年《藏印条约》签订前英国的经济侵略1768年2月,伦敦东印度公司董事会向英属印度孟加拉当局发出一封指示信,内称:“你们应尽最大的努力了解能否与尼泊尔建立贸易关系,以及布匹和其他欧洲商品能否经此运往西藏、拉萨和中国西部地区”。这一指示标志着英国殖民者已把侵略目标明确指向西藏。英属印度殖民当局企图先用外交手段打开对西藏进行经济侵略的大门。1774年,     

中俄伊犁交涉清廷成功原因探析简

俄伊犁交涉是中国近代外交史上的一个重大事件,虽然从《伊犁条约》中的一些条款可以看出清廷也丧失了一部分领土和商业权益,但这一条约的签订也不失为晚清外交史上的成功案例。在整个交涉过中,清廷反俄势力的推动,曾纪泽优秀的外交才能,清延恰当的外交策略,清廷收回主权的决心以及俄国国内的政治和经济形势等发挥了重大作用。     

中俄伊犁交涉清廷成功原因探析

中俄伊犁交涉是中国近代外交史上的一个重大事件,虽然从《伊犁条约》中的一些条款可以看出清廷也丧失了一部分领土和商业权益,但这一条约的签订也不失为晚清外交史上的成功案例。在整个交涉过中,清廷反俄势力的推动,曾纪泽优秀的外交才能,清廷恰当的外交策略,清廷收回主权的决心以及俄国国内的政治和经济形势等发挥了重大作用。     

对《澳新协定》历史成因的解读

1944年1月21日,澳大利亚与新西兰签订了《澳新协定》。这是西南太平洋地区两个重要的英联邦国家之间签订的有关区域安全与社会发展的合作协定。该协定的签订有着复杂的历史成因。太平洋战争爆发后,盟国建立的对日作战磋商与合作机构以及盟国召开的一系列战略会议对澳方利益的忽视迫使澳大利亚做出反应;英国无力保障太平洋地区英联邦国家的安全,为澳新两国承担这一地区的防御既提供了动力,又创造了条件;澳新在西南太平洋地区存在的特殊利益必然要限制美国对这一地区的影响;而在澳大利亚看来,与新西兰的合作是保障西南太平洋区域安全以及促进该地区经济和社会发展的关键所在。在这些因素作用下,澳新两国把盟国的磋商机制发展成为以协定的形式来体现的双边合作机制。     

日本批准《1930年伦敦海军条约》过程及对其政局的影响

1930年伦敦海军会议是对美、英、日、法、意五国海军辅助舰作出限制的一次会议。会上签订的《1930年伦敦海军条约》在日本国内的批准过程颇费周章,在政府做出大量让步的情形下条约才勉强获得批准。其结果对日本政局以及政治走向产生了重大影响：条约的签订非但未能有效遏制法西斯势力的崛起,延续政党政治的强势力量,反而使海军内部分裂、派系之争明显,并加速了日本对美国发动战争的进程。     

论《日苏中立条约》签订的历史背景

《日苏中立条约》是第二次世界大战中签订的一项颇具影响的双边条约。这一条约的签订不仅在国际社会引起强烈的反响,而且在史学界也引起极大的关注,对它提出截然不同的看法。认真剖析这一条约,不仅会使人们对条约签订本身有一个正确的认识,而且对日苏两国在第二次世界大战初期的关系也会得到正确的评价。本文仅就《日苏中立     

印中对抗:新德里的视角(1960—1970)

20世纪60—70年代,印度的外交政策深受印中对抗的影响。1962年败给中国后,印度自认在南亚的统治地位受到震动,因此积极调整国防政策,希望夺回南亚霸主的地位。其后,印度干涉东巴危机,爆炸第一颗原子弹,吞并锡金。在这一系列事件中,印度一方面谨慎地避免直接危及印中关系的行为,另一方面不吝展示其重新获得军事和政治实力的地区强国形象,增强其与中国对话的国际地位。印中对抗不仅深刻地影响了印度的外交政策,甚至还间接地塑造了巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、尼泊尔以及不丹各异的政治生态和对华关系。     

1941年苏日中立条约及其影响

苏日中立条约是第二次世界大战期间苏日两国签订的一个重要条约。它不仅对战时苏日关系做出了重大调整,而且直接影响到中苏、中日关系以及中国的抗日战争。本文披露了该约蹄结时一些细节,阐述了苏联方面对该约的一些基本观点,对于我们深入研究这一课题有参考价值。该文刊登在苏联《近现代史》杂志1994年第4-5期上。     

中苏“蜜月期”文化关系出现的背景分析

中苏两国"蜜月期"文化关系与这一时期双方的外交、政治、经济关系有密切联系.50-60年代.中国外交上的"一边倒"政策、<中苏友好同盟互助条约>的签订、经济上苏联对中国的大力援助以及中苏文化在意识形态方面的趋同等多重因素的综合作用使中苏文化关系进入"蜜月"阶段.     

冷战初期美国对尼泊尔政策评析

第二次世界大战后,美国战略利益的全球性决定了它与苏联之间的冷战成为国际政治的主旋律.在这样的历史氛围之下,冷战初期,美国对尼外交政策就必然带有很强的政治性和战略目的.美国不仅希望在英国殖民撤退后在南亚扩张势力,而且力主保持尼泊尔的主权独立和政局稳定.同时,美国也希望尼泊尔朝民主制方向发展,并向西方靠拢甚至与西方集团为伍.为实现这一目标,美国通过及时给予外交承认、经济和技术援助以及与印度进行合作等方式,对尼泊尔施加影响.从结果来看,美国仅实现了其有限的战略目标,与其预期目标还有相当的差距.     

State of mind: what kind of power will India become?

As its economic power, military strength and cultural influence expands, India draws ever closer to becoming a leading player in world politics. Yet relatively little is known about what Indians take to be the nature of international politics and, correspondingly, how their power and influence should be used. A survey of Indian political thought reveals sharp disagreements. Moralists wish for India to serve as an exemplar of principled action. Hindu nationalists want Indians to act as muscular defenders of Hindu civilization; strategists advocate cultivating state power by developing strategic capabilities; and liberals seek prosperity and peace by increasing trade and interdependence. This article argues that current trends indicate that India will increasingly prioritize its quest for prosperity and peace. But if this quest is thwarted by external threats, then calls to enhance India's military power will most probably grow louder, and be heeded more closely.     

试析印度自由贸易区战略及前景

近年来,印度对外开放的步伐日益加快,最明显的就是印度参与自由贸易区的力度越来越大。尤其新世纪以来,印度已经同多个国家和地区缔结了自贸协定。综合来看,印度自由贸易区战略包括了政治和经济利益诉求。就发展前景来看,虽然有若干有利因素,但挑战也不容忽视。     

“A handshake across the Himalayas:” Chinese investment,hydropower development,and state formation in Nepal

Abstract

This article examines contemporary patterns of Chinese infrastructure development in Nepal’s Rasuwa District and the ways in which Nepali actors engage with Chinese investments to advance projects of state formation. Particularly in the wake of political volatility and natural disaster, Chinese interventions support the material and imaginative projects of a Nepalese state seeking stability, security, and economic growth. Long perceived as peripheral to the state center, Rasuwa is rapidly becoming central to Sino-Nepal relations, particularly in the context of bilateral investments in hydropower and transportation infrastructure. Drawing on data generated from 30 months of fieldwork in Nepal, we argue that Chinese development in Rasuwa: a) undergirds territorializing practices of the Nepalese state; b) represents a “gift of development” that connects Nepali ambitions of bikas (development) with Chinese anxieties over exile Tibetan populations; and c) reflects a strategic reorientation of geopolitical alliances between Nepal, China, and India. Challenging studies that depict Chinese development as an overwhelming extractive force, we instead show how small states like Nepal in fact use Chinese interventions to advance domestic projects of state formation and national security at home. On the basis of this study, we expand understandings about the place and priority of infrastructure in national state-making agendas, illustrate uneven local experiences with international development interventions, and highlight new configurations of Chinese investment and development abroad – characterized in Nepal as a “handshake across the Himalayas.”     

Peculiar chauvinism or strategic calculation? Explaining the negotiating strategy of a rising India

India is finally on the rise. It is increasingly recognized as an 'emerging power' and a 'pivotal state', and receives invitations to the major fora for international negotiations (such as the G8, or small group consultations within the WTO) that are commensurate with this recognition. Interesting, however, belying all predictions and often at considerable cost to itself, even the rising India continues to adhere to features of its old, Third Worldist, defensive style of diplomacy. This article examines the reasons why Indian negotiators show such willingness to 'Just Say No' across international negotiations. It focuses on India's negotiation strategies in the regimes of trade and nuclear non-proliferation. The article argues that the sources of India's nay-saying have deeper roots than accounts of bureaucratic politics and domestic interest groups would suggest. It also analyzes some recent changes in India's negotiating positions, and argues that it is still too early to speculate on how meaningful or longlasting these changes might be. Finally, the article identifies the conditions under which India's negotiating strategies might change from its traditional nay-saying to a more proactive and easier engagement with the developed world.     

雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判

雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判之间具有相当密切和直接的关系.当时,美苏通过雅尔塔协定和中苏条约,所协调和确立起来的两国共同支持国民党而不支持中共的对华政策,对战后国共重庆谈判的举行和政治协商会议的商定,都产生了重大影响,甚至发挥了主要作用.但到关键时刻在关键问题上,美苏的影响和作用又是相当有限的.我们对此必须要有辩证的清醒的认识.     

Indian foreign policy and contemporary security challenges

India is fast emerging as an important player in regional and international arenas. However, it continues to be beset by a number of security challenges, both internally and externally. On the assumption that India's foreign policy has evolved in step with its domestic politics, this article briefly surveys the evolution of Indian domestic politics and foreign policy before discussing some of the domestic and international (including regional) security challenges India faces today. The article concludes that although economic diplomacy does at present serve India well in projecting power internationally, achieving great power status in the future will rest on the resolution of key political and security challenges.     

The Third Review Conference of the Chemical Weapons Convention and beyond: key themes and the prospects of incremental change

States parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) will convene for the Third Review Conference of the treaty in April 2013. With the destruction of chemical weapon stockpiles more than 75 per cent complete and ongoing changes in the scientific, industrial and security environment in which the CWC operates, some have argued that major adaptations in the implementation of the treaty are required. However, on the basis of regular participant observation at CWC meetings of states parties and extensive document analysis this article argues that changes in treaty implementation will be only of an incremental nature with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) taking on new tasks in the areas of chemical terrorism and safety and security, alongside traditional core areas of activity in CWC implementation such as verification of chemical weapon disarmament, non‐proliferation or, rather, non‐acquisition of chemical weapons, protection and assistance against the threat or use of chemical weapons, and international cooperation in the peaceful uses of chemistry. Taking into account the evolution of these areas of concern in combination with the consensus‐based institutional culture of the OPCW supports the expectation of only incremental changes being adopted at the Third CWC Review Conference. These expectations tie in with the findings of organizational analyses in other political contexts, which highlight the path dependency of many institutions once they are created.     

海外印度移民及印度政府的侨务政策

作为人口大国之一 ,印度与中国一样 ,有着庞大的海外移民群体及其后裔。目前 ,海外印度人已超过二千万人 ,分布在 1 1 0个国家和地区。上世纪 90年代以来 ,随着海外印度人对所在国和印度影响的增强 ,海外印度人在印度及海外都引起了比以前更多的关注。印度政府采取了一系列措施 ,以吸引更多的海外印度人投身印度国内的经济建设 ,为印度的发展作贡献。本文概述海外印度移民的基本情况 ,分析海外印度人与印度的联系及对印度的影响以及印度政府对海外移民的政策 ,希望从中能得到某些启示 ,从而对中国的侨务政策提供某些参考和借鉴。     

The US–Australia free trade agreement: The interface between partisan politics and national objectives

The literature on the drivers behind bilateral treaties implies an assumption that international treaties are entered into primarily to achieve national objectives, not partisan political goals. This paper investigates whether this assumption is valid, using as a case study the recently enacted US–Australia Free Trade Agreement. A stated original purpose for the agreement—increasing access to the US market for Australian agricultural products—would yield significant economic benefits for Australia. However, when it became clear that this goal would not be achieved, the objective of the Australian government shifted. The most plausible explanation for the shift is that domestic political objectives had moved to the fore and prompted the government to pursue and adopt the treaty despite some evidence that it might not be in the national interest to do so.