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K. Arvid Tångberg 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):51-65
Abstract First, how does Haggai “construct” the temple, i.e. what view does he hold of it, its function and its significance? The answer here is that, whatever the Second Temple actually was, Haggai does not construct it as a place of sacrifice, a house of prayer, a location of the presence of God, a pivot of the economic system of Judah, a focus of ethnic identity, etc., but as a treasury. It must be rebuilt because it is a shame (not “glory") for Yahweh not to have a “house” in which treasures of silver and gold belonging to him can be stored and exhibited (2,7–9). And this temple must be rebuilt quickly because of the imminent political‐military upheaval ("shaking") of the earth that will result in booty in large quantities arriving in Jerusalem. Second, is there anything in the text of the book that undermines this “construction” of the temple? Yes, there is an underlying conflict in the text (amounting to a deconstruction) over the issue of honour Yahweh is dishonoured by the ruined state of the temple, but it is not the rebuilding of the temple that will bring him honour. Further, the designation of the Judaeans and the “work of their hands” as “unclean” (2,14) deconstructs the text's placing responsibility for the rebuilding in their hands. Further still, the sudden narrowing of focus to Zerubbabel in the closing verses of the book (2,20–23), and the unprepared designation of him as an eschatological king, deconstructs the prophecy's professed concern with the temple. Third, can these deconstructionists be deployed in the service of a reconstruction? Here I use the axiom that texts exist in order to repress social conflicts. Yes, we can first reconstitute the social reality implied by the text: from the deconstruction over the issue of honour we can reconstruct the conflict between enthusiasts for temple rebuilding and resisters. From the deconstruction over cleanness and uncleanness we can reconstruct the conflict between the leadership and the proletariat. From the deconstruction regarding Zerubbabel we can reconstruct the political conflict over the governorship. And yes, we can secondly “construct” the social reality created by the reading of the text today. Here we can see how the reading of the text by biblical scholars functions as a repression of conflicts of interest and ideology among different groups of readers, and how the deconstructability of the text can serve to bring such conflict to consciousness. 相似文献
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Theodor Lescow 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(2):200-222
Zusammenfassung Die kompositionsentwiciclung des Buches Micha basiert auf einer vom Vf. als “Stufenschema” (StS) bezeichneten dreiphasig angelegten altorientalischen Denkstruktur. Die in Mi 3 und 2 enthaltene Überlieferung der Worte Michas wurde spätvorexilisch durch Fortschreibung aktualisiert. Michas Klage über die Eroberung der Schefela Mi 1,10–15 wurde ebenfalls spätvorexilisch durch die Ansage einer Epiphanie JHWHs und vier Zionsprüche gerahmt. Während der erste Zionspruch in Mi 1 verblieb, wurden die anderen Zionsprüche exilisch‐nachexilisch zum Kern einer in mehreren Schüben ausgebauten Ringkomposition (Mi 4–5). Mi 6–7 ist eine aus Mi 6,8 entwickelte thematische Komposition. Die Umorientierung der Epiphanie Mi 1 zu einer gegen Samaria gerichteten Weissagung und die entsprechende Umfunktionierung einer alten Edom‐KIage in Mi 7 gehören in die Endphase der Kompositionsentwicklung. 相似文献
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Von E. von Zach 《东方研究杂志》2013,61(1):186-191
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Franz Zimmermann 《Symbolae Osloenses / auspiciis Societatis Graeco-Latinae》2013,87(1):101-110
This paper treats a rhetorical fragment which is preserved in Stobaeus from four points of view. (1) The speech was delivered in Alexandria by a travelling rhetor. (2) There is a philosophical background with a Cynic flavour to this oration, which advocates concord within the city. (3) An analysis of the literary form shows that this text can be regarded as an example of a λαλι?. (4) The date has been very much debated, but a study of the vocabulary makes a date in the second half of the second century A.D. seem plausible. 相似文献
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Christian Bachhiesl 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2010,33(1):7-29
Traces of Blood. The Significance of Blood in Criminology at the Turn of the 19th Century. In late 19th and early 20th century, criminology became institutionalized as an independent branch of science. Methodologically it focused on the ‘exact’ methods of the natural sciences, but also it tried to integrate the methods of the humanities. This mix of methods becomes visible in the treatment of blood, which on the one hand was an object of then brand new methods of scientific analysis (identification of human blood by the biological or precipitin method), and on the other hand was analyzed as a product of the magic and superstitious mentalities of criminals. The methodical tension resulting from this epistemological cross‐breeding did not disturb the criminologists, for whom the reconciliation of opposite ways of thinking and researching seemed to be possible. In this encyclopaedic analysis of blood early criminology tried to combine the anthropological exploration of vampirism with the chemical and microscopic detection of antibodies and haemoglobin, thus mirroring the positivistic optimism that was then prevalent. 相似文献
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Dietrich J. Stoltzenberg 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1991,14(1):15-23
A Contribution to the History of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Physical Chemistry and Electrochemistry: On Projected Changes of the Institute into a Research and Development Center of the Army for Chemical Warfare also in Times of Peace 1916 and after 1933. — The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Physics and Electrochemistry, today named after its first director Fritz-Haber-Institut, was in the first World War a place of research on chemical warfare. Evidences in the Archive for the History of the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft show that it was planned during the war to continue research in this area in peacetime. To realize this Fritz Haber proposed to found a special Kaiser Wilhelm Institute. As this could not be accomplished the war ministry founded 6 million marks to establish an extra department in the KWI of Physical Chemistry and Electrochemistry just before the end of the war. After Germany lost the war these were used for other research areas while work on chemical warfare was carried out elsewhere. When Fritz Haber resigned 1933 because of the race-laws of the nationalsocialists the war ministry in cooperation with the ministery for culture nominated an obliging scientist as director of the institute with the aim to take up again research in the area of chemical warfare despite of the opposition of the president of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft and the ministery of the interior. After that time until the end of the second world war 1945 a good part of the work carried out in the institute was done for the war ministry. 相似文献
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Der vorliegende Aufsatz ist dem Gebrauch des sog. Nominativus Absolutus im Latein gewidmet. Es handelt sich dabei um ein partizipiales Syntagma im Nominativ, dessen grammatikalisches Subjekt anders als das des übergeordneten Satzes ist (z.B. Fulg. myth. 3,8 quam arborem pater gladio percutiens, Adon exinde natus est). Obwohl diese Konstruktion in zahlreichen, v.a. das Substandard- und Spätlatein betreffenden Studien Erwähnung fand, ist sie seit fast hundert Jahren keiner analytischen Besprechung unterzogen worden. Unsere Untersuchung verfolgt zwei mit einander eng verknüpfte Ziele: (a) zum einen sollen die kennzeichnenden Merkmale des Syntagmas besprochen werden, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von pragmatischen, semantischen und syntaktischen Aspekten; (b) zum anderen soll dessen Evolution in Diachronie dargelegt werden, wobei eine allmählich ausgeprägtere Unabhängigkeit gegenüber der übergeordneten Prädikation nachgewiesen werden soll. 相似文献
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Andreas Fickers 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2007,30(3):199-213
Design as Mediating Interface: Historical Evidence and Symbolic Enunciation of the Radio Set. – Based on a case study on the invention of the radio station scale in the late 1920's and early 1930's, this article pleads for an interdisciplinary look at the importance of design as a mediating interface in the production‐consumption junction. In this cultural history perspective on technology, the material artifact matters both as a witness of and a sign for the symbolic meaning and appropriation of the technical object, which transgresses the functional logic of instrumental rationality. In presenting five different perspectives on design offering some alternative looks for a cultural history of technology, this theoretically inspired essay wants to sound the critical potential of a multilayered semantic approach to the radio apparatus as a prominent representation of a radical innovation in media technology. 相似文献
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S. Eitrem 《Symbolae Osloenses / auspiciis Societatis Graeco-Latinae》2013,87(1):111-137
The author deals with various issues in the introduction (1-12), in particular with the function of Prima … Thalea (1-2) and the relation of cum canerem reges et proelia (3) to 1-2 and to 3b-5. The allusion to Callimachus’ Aetia frg. 21-24 is thoroughly analysed. Especially dealt with is the meaning of non iniussa cano and tamen haec quoque (9) within a more comprehensive reading of the introduction. 相似文献
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Thomas Kleinknecht 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1986,9(3):147-160
The various scholarly and scientific endeavours — comprising both arts and sciences —, which British statesmen persued in their leisure time, transcend the mere biographical aspect. In the light of the slow, yet steady professionalisation of educational and political institutions, many of them modernised or newly created in order to achieve what came to be called “National Efficiency”, the literary and scientific pastimes of men, like Gladstone, Morley, Salisbury, Balfour or Haldane, seemed soon to become somewhat obsolete. Yet, it is argued, that the often professedly amateurish activities did not merely display the traditional hobby attitude to the sciences, so characteristic of the wealthy aristocrat, but in some cases revealed a good understanding of the scientific and educational needs of society, leading up to their active advancement. The British amateurs, it would seem, were pleading for providing a balanced higher education and training, rather than going for the technical excellence of the political rival Imperial Germany, which dazzled and, at the same time, intimidated some of them. 相似文献
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Ludmila Hanisch 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1995,18(4):217-226
Fifty years after World War II the history of Semitic and Islamic Studies during the period of nazism has more or less remained ‘terra incognita’. The article shows that academic activities in this field did not remain uninfluenced by that period. In addition to the banishment of Jewish scholars, a concentration on Arabian Studies took place and scholars contributed for the weltanschauung of the Third Reich. To date not all the outcomes can be presented. Yet, one of them is easily observable: The study of Jewish religion, history and culture became a special branch, it is no longer part of Oriental studies. 相似文献
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Martina Heßler 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2007,30(2):145-160
Science Cities: What the Concept of the Creative City Means for Knowledge Production. – The article aims to show that the relationship of science and the city has changed since the 1970s in the context of the knowledgeable society. While cities have principally been regarded as the typical space of science, of new ideas and innovation for centuries, since the 1960s and 1970s universities, research institutes as well as industrial research institutes have relocated to the periphery of cities. There, however, these sites of knowledge have been organized in an ‘urban mode’. That means that the concept of the city as a place of science and innovation has determined the architectural, spatial, and social organization of these sites on the periphery of cities. Certain features of the city have been copied, such as social infrastructures, places of communication, restaurants, cafes etc., while others have been left out – housing, cinema, theatre etc. An ‘urban mode of knowledge production’ in the sense of a very stylized model of the city has become a tool to enhance the production of scientific and technological knowledge. – The article exemplifies this by focusing on a case study, namely of the so‐called ‘Science City’ of the Siemens Company in Munich‐Neuperlach. 相似文献