“巨文岛事件”与英国东北亚政策

"甲申政变"之后,辅佐谁来保护朝鲜,是英国制定东北亚外交政策的焦点。朝鲜"背清亲俄"、日本不断挑战中朝宗藩关系、《天津条约》的撤兵造成朝鲜半岛即将出现政权、军事真空局面,导致中国在政治、军事两方面掌控朝鲜的力度空前薄弱,加剧了域内域外国家对朝鲜主导权的争夺。为了防止朝鲜半岛的动荡局势向着于己国不利的方向演变,维护在远东地区的战略格局,1885年3月,英国精心策划了一个"由中国保护朝鲜"和"有一打算"的外交计策,并于1885年4月在防御"英俄战争"的大义名分下,占领了巨文岛。由此,开始了近两年的辅佐"中国保护朝鲜"的外交活动,最后如愿获得了一个在中国宗主权掌控下的相对稳固的东北亚局势。可以说,巨文岛事件是在英国军事力量支持下,中英联手巩固东亚宗藩体制的外交事件,英国是这一事件的最大赢家,中国是最大的受益者。而英国高调渲染占领巨文岛的大义名分和辅佐"中国保护朝鲜"的真实用意,如同一枚硬币的两面,反映了巨文岛事件的复杂性、多面性。1885年以后,在强化宗藩体制的过程中,以遏制日本和朝鲜进一步破坏中国宗主权为目的的英国外交活动发挥了关键作用,巨文岛事件是其中的重要历史拐点。     

Bureaucratic Competition in the Policy Process

Recent scholarship has emphasized the important role that strategic bureaucratic actors play in the formulation of public policy. This study builds on that research by exploring the ways in which agencies strategically compete with one another over the content and character of public policy. Using insights from the literature that explicitly models bureaucratic competition, the study adapts an existing model of policymaking in subsystems to generate expectations about the causes and consequences of bureaucratic competition in the policy process. Finally, the article explores the utility of these propositions through a case study of a protracted policy battle over the management of natural resources in the western United States.     

The National Competition Policy: A Study of the Policy Process and Network

In his recent work on the Australian political system, Ian Marsh argues that interest groups and issues movements should be treated as 'potential partners and collaborators with government' (1995, p. 1). He suggests that the traditional two-party system with its inherent reliance on adversarial relations may need to mutate to cope with the demands which stakeholders are placing on the policy process and a changing political culture. This paper examines evidence that collaborative and cooperative modes of interaction are developing in Australia as a feature in the strategies used by both government and non-government players.     

Competition and Cooperation in Industrial Clusters: The Implications for Public Policy

Alfred Marshall believed that, while the benefits of clusters resulted from cooperation between firms, competition was an important driving force. In contrast, contemporary theories of clusters place most emphasis on collective action. This article seeks to distinguish processes of competition and cooperation within clusters, through a critical reading of different theoretical approaches. This distinction has important implications for the scale and nature of public policy. An emphasis on competitive processes implies a more macro-economic role for public agencies in seeking to raise investment in innovation while the fostering of cooperation implies measures to support decentralized public-private research collaborations.     

论战后初期英国对欧政策的形成

长期以来,战后英国第一届艾德礼工党内阁的对欧政策受到人们的批评,他们指责它在战后初期欧洲联合的过程中态度消极,以致使英国从一开始就失去了领导欧洲的机会。这种评价近年来受到一些学者的挑战,他们认为,在１９４５年后的二三年中,英国对欧洲合作远非是消极的,...     

The Politics of Crime Control Policy

Books reviewed in this articles:
Ann Heinz, Herbert Jacob, and Robert L. Lineberry (eds.), Crime in City Politics
Stuart Nagel, Erika Fairchild, and Anthony Champagne (eds.), The Political Science of Criminal Justice
James Q. Wilson (ed.), Crime and Public Policy     

The European Merger Regime

Even though the European Union's merger regime has been warmly received, three distinct critiques of European policy in this field are identified. In acknowledging these critiques, this article reviews EU merger policy and suggests ways in which it might be reformed in the future. However, in order to understand the particular form that the policy now takes, emphasis must be placed on the context within which the European model of merger control has evolved. Three factors are considered: the rationale underpinning the policy; the origins of the policy as a hard-fought compromise among the (then) 12 members of the Union; and the role played by supranational actors in the implementation and enforcement of the policy. These three European characteristics of the policy help to explain the distinctiveness of the EU model.     

英国考古的政策、管理和操作

(编者按 :中山大学人类学系为庆祝该系于 2 0 0 1年复办 2 0周年 ,举行了系列学术讲座。 2 0 0 1年 6月 6日 ,香港古物古迹办事处考古学家李浪林先生应邀作了题为“英国考古的政策、管理和操作”的演讲 ,演讲之后回答了该系师生的提问。李浪林先生早年就读于伦敦大学考古学院 ,获硕士学位 ,最近又受香港政府的派遣 ,到英国伦敦博物馆、肯特郡政府和英格兰文物局等机构进修和考察 ,系统地了解了英国最新的考古政策、管理 ,田野考古发掘的方法和技术。今将李浪林先生演讲和回答问题的内容整理出来 ,以飨读者 ,相信该文对国内的考古政策、发掘管理和研究 ,都会有一定的借鉴意义。因该文未经本人审阅 ,疏漏由整理者负责。)     

Policy Influence and Policy Responsiveness in State Pollution Control

This article develops an integrated theory of state policy influence and responsiveness, then operationalizes this theory to account for variations in the strength and scope of state water pollution control and hazardous waste management programs. The analysis finds that economic, ideological, interest group, and political system characteristics act in concert to affect state policymaking, and that the influences behind policymaking vary systematically and predictably across policy areas within environmental protection.     

新西兰针对英国加入欧共体的政策

20世纪六七十年代,新西兰在英国回归欧洲并最终加入欧共体后陷入了严重的困境.由于没有充分认识到传统市场结构性断裂的不可逆转性,新西兰不仅未能及时从摆脱依附、变革自身经济方面寻求突破,更将主要的资源集中于围绕英国市场进行博弈,结果在传统市场变化、依附导致的产业结构失衡及石油危机打击下,陷入了较其他发达国家更为严重的综合性危机之中.     

The Evolution of British Labour Party Policy on Israel from 1967 to the Intifada

The formation of Israel and the succeeding rival nationalistclaims have been particularly taxing for the social-democraticleft committed in principle to national self-determination.This article explores how the British Labour Party respondedto the Israel—Arab conflict in the post-1967 period. Itshows that Labour's consensus of support for Israel outlastedthe challenge of the 1967 war. It was not until the early 1980sthat a significant shift towards the Palestinian cause tookplace. However, a combination of internal controversies andexternal historical and political developments led to a furtherpolicy revision, ending in a new consensus of support for bothIsraeli and Palestinian nationalism in the late 1980s and early1990s. In outlining these changes, the article sheds light notonly on the intrinsically interesting issue of Labour's attitudetowards Israel but also on the more general question of partypolicy change.