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1.
    
ABSTRACT

Periods of ongoing growth in the economy and demographics have come to a halt for many European regions for various reasons, challenging their economic development prospects. Despite the heterogeneous nature of stagnation, decline, peripheralization or even stigmatization to be found there, these configurations ‘beyond growth’ have in common that short-term ‘fire-fighting’ policy approaches aiming to foster regional economic growth face some important limitations. We argue that this has to do, among other things, with the overall direction of established and orthodox planning approaches that are predominantly based on growth-oriented paradigms and implicitly or explicitly work with dichotomous categories such as core–periphery and metropolitan versus non-metropolitan spaces; these do, however, not capture local realities in these cases. Using the notion of non-core regions, we plead for conceptualizing non-core regions and their regional economic development trajectories in different ways: thinking ‘beyond growth’. Such alternative ideas should be informed by alternative understandings of growth, development and sustainability in order to influence theories and concepts, but also to support new approaches to planning practice. To this aim, we discuss non-core regions from a social constructivist perspective, elaborating some points of departure for conceptualizing and practising regional planning ‘beyond growth’.  相似文献   

2.
    
Transportation facilities and performance indicate the prospects for East‐West integration in Europe. The purpose of this study is to identify and delineate regions that present particular challenges for the optimistic enlargement policy of the European Union (EU). A sequence of statistical methods – correlation, regression, and cluster analysis – reveal that the East‐West dichotomy between former communist and non‐communist countries was still the strongest cleavage in Europe as recently as 1997. Secondary cleavages include western subgroups – more or less road oriented – and three eastern subgroups – a Central and Eastern European (CEE) core, southeastern countries, and particularly underdeveloped countries that also have southeasterly location. Results of four cluster methods persistently reveal differences between the established EU members (15 as of 2003) and the eight former communist countries included in the 2004 accession. They also indicate that the eight are, indeed, the best candidates from the former Soviet bloc.  相似文献   

3.
    
In this paper, we analyse the sectoral and functional division of labour in Central and Eastern European (CEE) regions within the convergence debate. By analysing the investment decisions of multinational corporations in 49 NUTS 2 regions across six European CEE countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria), we show that capital city regions not only receive more greenfield FDI but also attract a larger variety of investments in terms of sectors and functions. Capital cities are more likely to host higher‐end sectors and functions, which provides an explanation for the existing regional disparities within CEE countries. These results highlight the importance of functional and sectoral divisions of labour in the view of regional profiling and contribute to the recent EU Cohesion Policy debate.  相似文献   

4.
    
In the coming years, the share of the working‐age population in the total population will start to decline in all countries of the European Union. All other things remaining equal, this so‐called demographic burden will have a downward effect on economic growth. This paper examines whether the Europe 2020 employment targets would be sufficient to compensate for the downward impact of demographic burden and whether the impact of demography on economic growth differs between EU countries and between urban and rural regions. The results show that raising employment rates to the Europe 2020 targets can restore positive opportunities for economic growth, but not in all countries and only to a limited extent. They also show that even though urban and rural regions differ in terms of population growth and growth of the working age population, the prospects for demographic burden are highly similar for both types of regions.  相似文献   

5.
  总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
The impact of the economic crisis has been highly asymmetric across the European regions. The objective of this paper is to investigate the determinants of resilience to economic crisis across European regions. Regional economic resilience was assessed based on employment changes during 2008–2013, while socioeconomic determinants were analysed pre-crisis (2002–2007). A highly heterogeneous pattern of resilience was observed within countries, while significant differences were also revealed between the continental northern-central regions and the southern periphery. A multilevel logistic regression model indicated the magnitude of country-effects on the performance of regional employment during crisis periods. Both EU-referenced and country-referenced regional resilience identified the positive effect of accessibility and the negative effect of a large manufacturing sector in the ability of regions to withstand recessionary shocks. Education and economic development level positively affected the resilience of both large and small regional European economies. Investing in education enhances the spatial homogeneity across Europe in terms of its ability to react to economic shocks. The results reveal the importance of narrowing disparities among regions and formulating targeted and differentiated regional development policies at country level, taking into consideration the size of the economy of the regions.  相似文献   

6.
    
There is now a wealth of literature discussing how regional development and spatial planning practices in Central Eastern Europe have been shaped through the alignment with EU policy frameworks. However, scholars have tended to study governance dynamics in terms of adaptation and learning, paying thus little attention to how spatial policy change is inherently interlinked with the political contestation of nation-state spaces. This paper proposes to address this lack by combining insights from political economic work on state spatial restructuring and discourse theory. From this perspective, the institutionalization of spatial policies is examined as a political process in which particular understandings of space become seen legitimate and stabilized depending on how well they fit existing discourses. The paper demonstrates the added value of this approach through a case study of spatial policy change in post-1990 Hungary, and argues that the approach is more generally applicable to examine shifts in spatial policies and to address concerns with the increase in uneven development at different scales.  相似文献   

7.
    
This article focuses on the relations between the two geo-temporal categories – Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and West/Europe – in discussions about sexual politics, homophobia, tolerance, and nationhood. It contributes to the existing literature about homonationalism and sexual nationalisms by introducing CEE to the debate's geographical loci, so far mostly invested in West/Europe and its relations to Islam. It argues that it is important to consider CEE in sexual nationalism debates because of its framing as the European (homophobic) Other in the emerging discourses of ‘homoinclusive Europe’. This article introduces the concept of leveragedpedagogy, which captures the specificity of the West/Europe – CEE discourses of sexual liberation, advancement, and backwardness. Leveraged pedagogy is a hegemonic didactical relation where the CEE figures as an object of the West/European ‘pedagogy’, and is framed as permanently ‘post-communist’, ‘in transition’ (i.e. not liberal, not yet, not enough), and homophobic. Such ‘taking care of’ CEE, it is argued, is a form of cultural hegemony of the Western EUropean liberal model of rights as the universal.  相似文献   

8.
张建华 《史学月刊》2020,(1):117-129
中俄交往始于蒙古西征和金帐汗国时代(1238-1480年),中国学人撰写俄国史自1878年刊印的鹭江奇迹人的《俄国志略》,到今天已经有整整140年的历史。中国的俄国史学科伴随民族命运、国家危机以及世界形势的变化而生,自诞生之日起即负有学人情怀、民族重任和学术职责三重使命。因此,俄国史学科在中国一直发挥着“知夷”和“盗火”的两大作用。中华人民共和国成立后,俄国史(包括苏联时期和俄罗斯联邦时期)研究获得了70年的巨大发展,主要成就有:1985年中国苏联东欧史研究会成立(1992年英文更名为中国俄罗斯东欧中亚史研究会),高等院校、社会科学院、党校、国家有关部委及党政机构纷纷设立俄国史或俄罗斯问题研究机构,建立了从历史学学士、俄国史硕士到俄国史博士的三级专业人才培养体系,俄国史和俄罗斯问题研究的专业期刊创立并连续出版,大量的俄国通史、中俄(中苏)关系史、专题著作、各类教科书、翻译著作(来自俄文、英法、法文、德文、波兰文等)出版,中国俄国史学者积极参与国际学术会议和国际合作研究,具有中国特色的中国“俄罗斯学”新学科正在建立过程中。  相似文献   

9.
Tirana, the Balkan capital examined in this study, displays patterns of gendered job search behavior and access, which are unique within contemporary Europe and even within post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe. Here, it is a rather spatially constricted job search range rather than transport poverty that prevents women living in first-ring suburbs from attaining satisfactory employment. Female commutes are extraordinarily short and most often on foot. While the city now has nearly one million inhabitants and a high car ownership rate, and is located in Europe, the employment and mobility choices and behaviors of its female residents resemble those in developing rather than developed countries, and in small rather than large cities. The reasons underpinning this situation have more to do with socio-cultural gender barriers and less with transport poverty or labor market weaknesses. This finding might apply to other Balkan capitals or cities outside Europe, which have recently experienced large waves of internal migration and where both existing residents and newcomers have not yet adjusted to ‘big city’ life.  相似文献   

10.
    
In November 2004 the Dutch Presidency of the EU hosted a successful informal ministerial meeting on territorial cohesion. The paper discusses the concept of territorial cohesion and how it could be invoked, among others in relation to the Lisbon Strategy of turning Europe into the most competitive region of sustainable growth globally. This is put against the backdrop of previous Dutch involvement in the preparation of the European Spatial Development Perspective. The paper documents the preparation of the meeting and reports on the meeting itself and the conclusions of the Dutch Presidency. The meeting has generated commitment on the part of various Member States holding the EU Presidency (some of them with a long‐standing involvement in such issues) between how and 2007 to pursue a common political agenda in so doing, these Member States signal their insistence in taking an active part in the preparation of any future EU territorial cohesion policy.  相似文献   

11.
乌兰察布农业企业发展迟缓的原因及其解决对策   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
孟祥林 《人文地理》1999,14(4):63-67
初级农产品经过二次转化后,可以使其价值倍增,很多的农民企业家和当地的政府机关都看重了这块风水宝地,纷纷建起了乡镇企业,对本地的农产品进行消化,以求增值、创税。但是,在乡镇企业发展的过程中,由于流动资金短缺、原材料不足、重复建设等原因,使得众多的乡镇企业发展迟缓,甚至不得不被其他企业兼并或者宣布破产。本文的重点就是要对上述问题存在的原因进行挖掘,并力求给出相应的解决对策。  相似文献   

12.
黄敏 《四川文物》2020,(2):71-76
东魏北齐邺京里坊的设置沿袭北魏洛阳里坊制度,文献记载往往以里或乡里形式称谓居住地。然而有4方东魏北齐时期墓志,志文记载墓主的居宅异于常例,为某行某里,或某行某坊。通过对墓志时代及墓主身份等因素的综合研判,并结合史书记载,可知东魏初至北齐末,某行某里(坊)是邺京里坊称谓的一种常用格式。"行"的称谓源自邺京行经尉制度,行名与里(坊)名的连用,是基于城市治安管理角度所产生的隶属关系的呈现,在名称上反映了某行区域内里的管辖情况。且行名与里名存在一定关联,将行名与里名对照,可知邺京部分行名与里名相同。  相似文献   

13.
There has long been controversy over the exact location of the middle segment of the great medieval trade route from the Varangians (Northmen) in the Baltic to the Greeks (Byzantium) in the Black Sea. There is no ambiguity about the northern segment, between Novgorod and the Baltic, or the southern segment, from Smolensk down the Dnieper to the Black Sea, but authors have tended to disagree about the various rivers, lakes and portages used by traders in the Russian heartland between Novgorod and Smolensk. A Russian chronicle describing a campaign led by Aleksandr Nevskiy against a Lithuanian force in 1245 sheds light on the alignment of the middle segment of the trade route. It appears that the route originally passed through Velikiye Luki in the 10th century. As this area became embroiled in clashes between warring Russian principalities, the trade route shifted eastward to the Toropets area, which became dominant by the 13th century. The existence of two additional minor routes is also noted.  相似文献   

14.
    
In the context of economic globalisation, there has been considerable academic interest in understanding the choice of location of foreign direct investment (FDI) firms. Generally, studies on the location of FDI firms focus on national and regional levels. There are only a limited number of studies at the intra‐urban level, especially for developing countries. This paper investigates where the industrial and service FDI firms are distributed within Istanbul, and how location‐specific factors affect their decisions. This study is based on a sample of 100 companies surveyed in Istanbul at the end of 2002. The locational determinants of FDI firms in Istanbul have been analysed using factor analysis and logistic regression techniques. It was found that location‐specific advantages influence the location of service and industrial FDI firms (between the central and suburban districts) in the Istanbul metropolitan area. The service and industrial FDI firms in Istanbul also chose different locations.  相似文献   

15.
省郡指边郡的放弃,意味着行政体系在空间上的收缩;徙民则是指农耕居民向内地迁移,意味着农耕区的内缩;徙吏则体现了行政机构的撤销,意味着行政建制的部分省弃,与省郡在性质上是一致的,但是有程度上的区别。一般来说,前者可以涵盖后两者,省郡的同时亦是徙吏民;但是后两者不等于前者,徙吏民并不代表省郡。笔者还指出东汉初年的省郡和徙吏民并非消极退让之举,而是保民安边之策,并为西北边防形势的好转创造了条件。  相似文献   

16.
    
In this paper data is presented that gives indications that Fryslân, being the only minority language region in the Netherlands, can be considered to have a distinct regional economy in the Dutch context. Therefore, information is given about the extent of regional identification in business names all over the Netherlands. Reference is made to the theoretical work of Rose and the empirical investigations of Zelinsky and Pellenbarg. Interviews in business firms in Fryslân are described. Fryslân appears to have a special position in the Netherlands in that there is a relatively strong identification by entrepreneurs with the province using the name of that region in business names but particularly by using the regional language, Frisian, for that purpose. There are strong indications that Fryslân also has a distinct regional economic development in the Dutch context because of the bilingual situation. The paper ends with an evaluation and with policy recommendations for the Provincial Government of Fryslân.  相似文献   

17.
    
Resource towns often exist on a knife‐edge, largely depending upon global demand for their resource/s and, at the same time, playing a critical role in the development of a nation. The transition from single resource towns to diversified economies has been modelled on several occasions, but their application to other resource locales is difficult given the unique interplay of geographic, political, social, and economic factors. Nonetheless, Innis' Canadian staples theory may explain the political motivations of resource extraction and exportation, not least in relation to the Western Australia Goldfields. This paper seeks to explore the theory's potential in this context by examining the implications of high labour mobility. It employs a two‐step process using, first, a social network analysis to map the entire Australian labour commuting network and, second, a regression analysis of commuting, regional wealth, and population size against population change. While the Goldfields historically grew in line with processes described by Innis' theory, contemporary high labour mobility has created a variegated landscape of different development dynamics and trajectories. This finding carries implications for network patterns of residence and work. Labour acts to extend the distribution of wealth by sending incomes to the metropolitan core and to amenity‐rich regional towns across the State and nation. In such light, regional development scholars must view the resource town in its broader urban system of distinct but interlocked, and sometimes overlapping, activity nodes.  相似文献   

18.
论文采用问卷调查方法,以董事长和总经理级别的华商作为主要调查对象,总结分析华商参与“一带一路”的态度、动机、需求及困难和风险。调查发现:第一,“一带一路”倡议得到了绝大多数华商的积极支持和热情响应。华商对“一带一路”倡议总体认识到位,但部分华商对“一带一路”性质认知存有偏差。第二,华商参与“一带一路”的主要动机是民族情感需求和经济利益驱动,两者得到满足或平衡时,参与动力最强,积极性最高。第三,华商参与“一带一路”普遍存在渠道不畅、项目对接难、融资难度大、跨境资金流动难、汇率波动大等实际困难。第四,华商在参与“一带一路”中主要面临政治、经济和法律三大风险。建议引导华商参与“一带一路”,要充分考虑华商的特殊性,注重情利等值原则,让华商在参与“一带一路”建设中情利双收,实现共赢。  相似文献   

19.
Human rights-based approaches (HRBAs) can challenge the underlying structures and power relations that perpetuate poverty. They have thus emerged in the development field as a prominent instrument for addressing development issues. Access to clean water and sanitation are now internationally acknowledged as human rights, and have become a stand-alone Sustainable Development Goal of the international community’s commitment to international development. This paper analyses the potential use of HRBAs by local Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) working on sanitation issues in slums in Mumbai. It is argued that it is more productive for local NGOs to build (i) partnerships with duty-bearers (in this case the state and the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai) and (ii) the capacity of rights-holders, in particular women, than to rely on litigation strategies to create momentum for change. HRBAs are more useful as a political tool for NGOs for establishing good working relationships with government agencies rather than as a legal instrument, which can be counter-productive to the poverty reduction objectives of NGOs.  相似文献   

20.
The date of the earliest extant Korean world map, entitled Honil kangni y?ktae kukto chi to (Map of Integrated Lands and Regions of Historical Countries and Capitals) and now in the ōmiya Library, Ryūkoku University Academic Information Center, Kyoto, Japan, is unknown. The Ryūkoku Kangnido (as the map is commonly referred to), along with three other Korean world maps believed to have been made in Chos?n Korea in the fifteenth or sixteenth century, is thought to have been derived from a now‐lost world map made in Chos?n Korea in 1402. Opinions on possible dates for the Ryūkoku Kangnido have varied widely. In this paper, a revised date of between early 1479 and late 1485 is proposed on the basis of a study of the Korean place‐names in the map and changes in the Korean civil and military administration they reflect. It is also suggested that, despite showing most of the rest of the world, the Korean officials who produced the Ryūkoku Kangnido were less interested in portraying current images of neighbouring Asian countries than in presenting an up‐to‐date image of Chos?n Korea.  相似文献   

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