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1.
《人民日报》汶川大地震报道框架理论分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
《人民日报》关于汶川地震的报道是一次成功的灾难报道。本文试从框架理论的角度,以《人民日报》关于汶川地震的报道为例,探讨媒体对灾难报道的重大突破。本文运用框架理论,详尽而具体地分析《人民日报》在汶川地震发生后一个月内的所有报道,试从研究中发现《人民日报》是如何在报道中再现"汶川大地震"这次突发性公共事件,以及《人民日报》是如何设置这次突发性公共事件的报道框架,以为今后媒体在面对重大突发性公共事件时公如何树立正确的新闻框架提出建议。 相似文献
2.
朝鲜战争后,根据中朝双方签订的经济及文化合作协定,大批朝鲜实习生于1954—1961年来到中国接受培训。中国有关部门、上海各实习工厂自上而下地构建起相应的组织管理体系,为朝鲜实习生顺利完成培训任务创造了良好的条件,并在日常生活方面对他们给予了周到细致的照顾,探索建立了一套行之有效的培训体系,使朝鲜实习生回国时大多具备了一定的专业技术能力,有的还在某些领域取得了突出的成绩,为朝鲜国民经济的恢复和发展培养了不可或缺的技术人才。 相似文献
3.
中国社会科学院当代中国研究所著《中华人民共和国简史(1949-2019)》一书,于2019年9月由当代中国出版社出版。该书共6章、15万多字,记述了新中国成立70年来波澜壮阔的历史,展示了党和国家取得的重大历史性成就,是中华民族从站起来、富起来到强起来的真实写照。历史是最好的教科书。作为梳理新中国历史经验的优秀读物,该书可以帮助广大干部群众学习新中国史,并且已经被中共中央组织部、中共中央宣传部列为学习新中国史的重点教材之一。 相似文献
4.
O. Hugo Benavides 《Archaeologies》2009,5(1):134-160
The present article assesses the complex reconfiguration that studying the past signifies when one becomes visibly aware of the enormous political and cultural implications that such an endeavor entails. To this end, I will use the Ecuadorian landscape as an entry point or particular case to understand these larger theoretical problematics within a more empirically grounded ethnographic framework. I will rely heavily on my own previous assessments of particular reconfigurations of the past in the Ecuadorian imaginary through the production of the archaeological site of Cochasquí (Benavides, Making Ecuadorian Histories: Four Centuries of Defining Power, 2004a); the Indian movement’s historical recovery of their pre-Hispanic past; the representation of a troubling pre-Hispanic homosexual harem of young coastal boys known as the enchaquirados; and the more recent representation of Guayaquil’s national identity over the last century. All of these studies have viewed the manner in which the differing communities of the Ecuadorian nation-state utilize the past in conscious and unconscious forms to legitimize their own political ambitions. More concretely even, these studies exemplify the manner in which archaeological discourse is used to identify itself as the most rightful heir to assessing and understanding the national past, and ultimately, defining what being Ecuadorian means or should be all about. 相似文献
5.
Elena Meyer-Clement 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2017,23(4):415-432
Since the 1990s, the Chinese political leadership has gradually embraced the commercialisation of the film sector and has turned the liberalisation of entertainment content production into a strategy for generating legitimacy. This article traces the evolution of Chinese film policy from its Communist origins to the present day, and reveals that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), at the same time, has never desisted from using film production to establish hegemony in a Gramscian sense, and that these efforts have even been intensified over the last decade. The second part of the article scrutinises how the CCP’s mechanisms of control and ideological guidance have been adapted to commercialisation and, based on personal interviews with Beijing film producers in 2006 and 2007, investigates the extent to which the intensified efforts of adaptation since 2003 have been able to persuade the private sector of film production to participate in maintaining CCP hegemony. 相似文献
6.
新中国建立以来,党的经济理论总的来说是既以马克思主义为指导,又从中国实际出发,不断摆脱教条主义与本本主义,在许多方面发展了马克思主义的经济理论,如毛泽东的《论十大关系》便是对马克思主义经济学的新发展,同时他还强调商品生产的必要性和价值规律的客观必炼性;党的十一届三中全会以后社会主义初级阶段理论的提出与发展,从理论上弄清了什么是社会主义和如何建设社会主义的问题,提出和实践了社会主义市场经济理论并取得了令世界瞩目的成就,与此同时,在社会主义建设过程中也曾出现过经济理论方面的失误。 相似文献
7.
Gerhard Wolf 《Journal of Genocide Research》2017,19(2):214-239
ABSTRACTGiven the crucial importance of the notion of Volksgemeinschaft in Nazi Germany, one might assume that there existed a common understanding about who did or did not belong to it. Before the war, the Nazis clearly prioritized the latter, with the Volksgemeinschaft taking shape in a process of excluding those deemed to be enemies of the people. When German troops crossed into Poland, the balance shifted. Conquering land that could only be turned into German living space when settled with Germans, the occupation authorities were suddenly confronted with the opposite. Establishing the German Volksgemeinschaft in multinational territories now meant sifting through the local population and separating Germans from Poles. One might have thought that it should be easy enough to answer what was a simple enough question: who is German in annexed Poland? It was not easy, however, as I will show by looking at the selection procedure set up by the provincial government in the Wartheland, the so-called German People’s Register. Given the polycratic nature of the Nazi regime, it was to be expected that this would quickly descend into a bitter dispute with rival power factions with rather different ideas about how to define Germanness. What is surprising, however, is that it was loyal behaviour and not, for example, ‘racial suitability’ that emerged as the primary criterion. Surprising, too, is the extent to which the native population subjected to this process was able to influence its outcome by using every opportunity to convince the provincial government of its German credentials. 相似文献
8.
新世纪以来,中华人民共和国史研究作为一门新兴的历史学科,取得了显著的成绩和进步。近十余年来,随着国史学界对国史研究基本问题认识的不断深化,出版了一批具有通史性的国史著作、资料性研究著作、专史性研究著作,使国史重大问题的研究取得了新的进展。认真研究已有成果,评述国史研究的发展状况,并提出推进国史研究的一些思考,将为这一新兴学科的发展提供有益借鉴。 相似文献
9.
Stephen Hetherington 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2017,23(4):482-494
While questions continue to be raised over the continuation, nature and mechanisms of arms’-length funding for the arts, its theoretical foundations within a wider social and economic context remain under-explored. This article argues that the principle on which the arm’s-length relationship is constructed is defined by the concept of laissez-faire. It is this that sets rules for how the public and private spheres interact within a liberal and individualistic society. By this argument, providing public subsidy to the arts is a compensating act integral to the operation of a free-market economy and ensures the autonomy of individual artists, even while producing public benefits. 相似文献
10.
Alan Tidwell 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2021,75(1):103-119
ABSTRACT Scholarship on paradiplomacy, or sub-national diplomacy, has often focused on economics, trade, cooperation and politics. The deepening of strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States has raised the stakes for sub-national diplomacy. While US-PRC strategic competition occurs primarily at the national level, the subnational level plays an important role in terms of creating opportunities for influence and advancing the strategic interests. In this article recent paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is examined, as is the is the intersection of paradiplomacy with strategic competition. 相似文献
11.
对山东泰安高校开展问卷调查,目的是了解当前国史教育在省属本专科院校的基本状况,了解新时代大学生对国家一些重大政策和决策的学习认知情况,为完善和改进以高校思想政治理论课为依托的国史教育提供依据。通过数据统计和分析可知,当前高校国史教育成效显著,绝大多数大学生具备基本的国史素养,同时发现大学生的国史素养、认同水平、教育效果与其专业、年级、政治面貌有关。为了在当代大学生中继续深入开展国史教育,建议要进一步理顺高校国史教育的体制和机制、开设“中华人民共和国史”课程、打造一支高水平的国史教育队伍、创新国史教育模式和加大高校国史教育的督导检查力度。 相似文献
12.
Alan Lester Fae Dussart 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2009,16(1):63-75
Much of British imperial society in the early nineteenth century was characterised by a reformulated sensibility of manliness and family. Integral to this sensibility was the notion of men's responsibility for dependants. However, the story of Charles Wightman Sievwright, appointed as Assistant Protector of Aborigines in colonial New South Wales, serves to demonstrate that a man's duty of care for very different, racialised kinds of dependants could be emphasised in conflicting ways by British settlers on the one side and by humanitarians on the other, under conditions of colonial expansion. Sievwright's story also encourages more explicit attention to both the tensions and the mutual intrusions between men's public and private roles within colonial society. Sievwright's own efforts as an active, humanitarian man in the political life of the New South Wales frontier were scandalously undermined by his failure to perform the role expected of him in his domestic, familial relations. 相似文献
13.
Brian Yecies 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2016,22(5):770-786
Official film co-production treaties are designed by policymakers to stimulate a range of collaborations, technology transfers, and joint funding initiatives in the industry. Since July 2004, the Chinese government has used this top-down approach to cultural diplomacy as a symbolic tool for advancing Chinese cinema and opening the domestic market to a host of willing international partners. Korean filmmakers in particular have exploited the (often informal) opportunities presented, engaging in vigorous cooperation with Chinese colleagues across all sectors of the production ecosystem. The continuing flow of Chinese–Korean transnational film encounters, underpinned by influential personal networks, resulted in the signing of a formal China–Korea co-production agreement in July 2014. To examine the efficacy of this policy intervention, this article analyzes the diversity of film collaboration that preceded this agreement and its impact on transnational filmmaking in China. It investigates the strategies used in the remaking of Korean auteur Lee Man Hee’s 1966 melodrama Late Autumn (2010), technical innovation in the VFX-heavy Mr. Go (2013), and the making of mega-distributor CJ E&M’s romance drama A Wedding Invitation (2013) to illustrate how Korean firms and practitioners are expanding the commercial entertainment boundaries of Chinese cinema. In so doing, it also reveals how Chinese film companies are enabling the Korean film industry to internationalize its approach to overseas markets beyond the kind of conspicuous policy initiatives tailored for a globalized cultural economy. 相似文献
14.
Oliver Tappe 《亚洲研究评论》2013,37(4):433-450
Contemporary Lao history and politics are characterised by an ambivalent ideological hybrid of cultural heritage protection and revolutionary glorification. Even though Buddhism and its related ritual practices appear to have regained considerable ground in official nation-building strategies, the “national liberation struggle” (Lao: kantosou kou xat) continues to constitute a key element of the national discourse as represented by official historiography and state iconography. In fact, the revival of royal-Buddhist images is linked to the “struggle”, since past kings of the Lao Buddhist kingdom of Lane Xang are at present re-interpreted as proto-national patriotic fighters on behalf of the so-called “Lao multi-ethnic people”.
This paper argues that the different aspects of official Lao history and memory politics are directed towards the twin goals of ideological nation building and the self-legitimisation of the present regime. Heroic kings such as Anouvong and Setthathilat are highlighted as ancestors of Kaysone Phomvihane and other revolutionaries of the twentieth century within a genealogy of national heroes. Besides discussing present historiographical narratives of the Lao “struggle”, this paper explores material and performative aspects of state commemoration, in particular with regard to national lieux de mémoire and public events. 相似文献
15.
William Choong 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2019,73(5):415-430
ABSTRACTEleven years after it was abandoned, the so-called Indo-Pacific concept is back with a vengeance in regional security debates. At the 2017 Shangri-la Dialogue, there were only five mentions of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ at the annual defence ministerial forum. In the following year, the figure had jumped to 92. The Indo-Pacific Four countries promoting the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) concept share many principles, including freedom of navigation and overflight, connectivity and economic growth, and respect for the rule of law. There are, however, clear points of divergence between them, such that there are actually different Indo-Pacific strategies among the Indo-Pacific Four. Even if the Indo-Pacific Four manage to resolve these issues (and the possibility of this is low), it is not likely that ASEAN would endorse the FOIP concept. The reality remains that Indonesia and ASEAN have taken a different approach to the Indo-Pacific. The ASEAN approach is to appropriate elements of FOIP strategy which are more attractive to ASEAN (for example, connectivity and infrastructure), yet reject elements of FOIP strategy which ASEAN deems inappropriate (the exclusion of China and the loss of ASEAN centrality). This does not augur well for the adoption, in its entirety, of the FOIP concept by ASEAN. 相似文献
16.
Frank Hayes 《国际历史评论》2013,35(3):453-484
Famine threatened the lives of over twenty million residents of north China in 1920, prompting a massive, and ultimately successful, relief effort. Scholarship on the famine has largely credited China's foreign and coastal, cosmopolitan Chinese circles with this humanitarian feat at the expense of what was in fact a surprisingly effective Chinese state apparatus that year, as well as local relief operations by many famine-stricken communities themselves. This study captures a very specific moment of US and European cultural production on ‘China’ and ‘the Chinese’ in which the great north China famine of 1920–1 occurred, to argue that our current understanding of Chinese relief culture circa 1920 remains largely a product of foreign characterization (by the celebrated likes of Somerset Maugham and Bertrand Russell) and political commentary by reformist Chinese during a period of post-May Fourth cultural turmoil. If we hold the output of these writers up to alternative original sources on events that year, it becomes clear that the historiography on China's greatest humanitarian crisis of the first quarter of the twentieth century remains insufficiently insulated from the raw discursive climate in which the crisis unfolded. 相似文献
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18.
中国共产党领导全国人民经过28年艰苦卓绝的浴血奋战,终于迎来中华民族浴火重生的曙光,建立了新中国。为铭记革命烈士的不朽功勋,在革命战争年代,解放区施行了褒扬革命烈士和抚恤烈属、军属的政策。新中国成立不久,经政务院批准,内务部制定了一系列对革命烈士进行褒扬抚恤的政策法规,在全国范围内开展对革命烈士的褒扬抚恤工作,如修建公墓和烈士陵园等纪念设施、举行烈士纪念仪式、宣传烈士事迹、收集烈士遗物、向烈士家属发放抚恤金、发动社会广泛开展拥军优属活动等。新中国对革命烈士的褒扬抚恤工作,树立了革命烈士的光辉形象,弘扬了革命烈士的崇高精神,对新中国成立初期社会价值观的塑造产生了积极影响。 相似文献
19.
Doina Anca Cretu 《European Review of History》2020,27(4):527-547
ABSTRACT This article examines the interactions between American humanitarian agendas and initiatives and domestic efforts for child relief in Romania in the aftermath of the Great War. While focusing on the presence of the European Children’s Fund (ECF) in post-war Romania, the article traces the domestic organization of relief, the Romanian elites’ turn to American humanitarian assistance, and their active responses to this external aid on behalf of war-suffering children. The article argues that Romanian leadership of child welfare initiatives nationalized American humanitarian aid by integrating ECF’s institutional efforts into domestically established philanthropic associations. This nationalization was sustained in three key ways: (1) American humanitarians’ own engagement of local channels in aid diffusion; (2) the growing network of national associations of child welfare in post-war Romania; (3) the competing political agendas of both donors and recipients. The case of Romanian responses to American aid for children, and its eventual domestic institutionalization, challenges the seemingly unequal relationship between Western donors and East-Central European recipients during a period of post-war reconstruction and sociopolitical transformation. It sheds light on the transnational dimension of the humanitarian process, driven by the dual agency of foreign humanitarians and domestic interlocutors in the country of aid reception. 相似文献
20.
The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is in the midst of a sweeping reform programme to significantly transform its organisation, force posture, command and control structures, and internal politics. Among the many important aspects of this effort is the establishment of the PLA Rocket Force (PLARF). Creation of the PLARF solidified China’s missile forces as a critical element of China’s evolving strategic deterrent posture, portends continued significant investment in PLARF modernisation, and points to a more concerted effort to integrate PLARF capabilities into more effective PLA-wide joint operations—all key developments in the fundamental reshaping of China’s approach to strategic deterrence. These developments will affect U.S. strategic and extended deterrence postures, U.S.-China strategic stability, allied conventional force operations, information dominance and security, critical infrastructure, and other key aspects of national security. This study details the organisational, technological, and doctrinal changes afoot for the PLARF, and analyses how—if successful—they affect U.S. and U.S-allied military strategy in the Indo-Pacific region. 相似文献