试论皇太极加速封建化进程的策略

后金在进入辽沈地区以后,面临着本民族文化将受到辽沈地区汉文化的冲击.作为满族最高统治者,皇太极应该采取何种方式对待汉族人民,如何处理满族文化与汉族文化之间的关系?在汉人居住为主体的地区应建立怎样的政治制度,才能尽快地使落后的满族步入封建社会?通过多年的经验,皇太极最终选择吸收汉文化,其根本原因是来自于满族与大清帝国自身的基本情况.     

浅谈汉文化对满族语言文化兴衰的影响

<正>在满族语言文字的创制、语言文化的发展到逐步衰亡的过程中,汉文化对其都产生了深刻的影响。     

杰出的政治家皇太极的为政艺术

作为我国较大的一个少数民族,满族形成较晚。满族的前身,松散的女真各部,在明万历初年,还处于原始社会末期。在十六、十七世纪,满族的民族英雄努尔哈赤;经过四五十年的征战,才把女真各部初步统一。从明万历十五年(1587)努尔哈赤建费阿拉城“定国政”,到后金天命六年(1621)迁都辽阳,满族从原始社会末期进入奴隶制社会才34年。从天命六年(1621)迁都辽阳,到顺治元年编丁立庄,入主中原,过渡到封建制社会,才经历了23年。而这时,满族命名(标志着满族民族共同体正式形成)仅十余年。     

江苏汉文化的来龙去脉(上)

近年来,有关汉文化的研究如雨后春笋,骤然增加。但是,具体研究特定地理单元,例如苏北文化个案这样的项目相对地比较少。在文化全球化的背景下,从学术层面上。就江苏汉文化的来龙去脉、文化特征作一些研究,是很有意义的。     

浅谈回族形成中的汉文化认同

回族是有着悠久历史、信仰伊斯兰教的中国民族,他从形成伊始,便对中国的传统文化有着很高的文化认同。这种由文化认同而产生的伊斯兰文化与汉文化的碰撞融合构成了回族文化独特的内涵,对回族的形成也起到了关键性的作用。本文将从汉文化认同的形成过程、影响回族汗文化认同的因素以及汉文化认同的具体表现三个方面,对回族形成中的汉文化认同作简单的论述。     

红夷大炮与皇太极创立的八旗汉军

由于宁远、锦州等役的失利 ,皇太极深刻认识到红夷大炮的威力 ,遂积极起用汉人铸炮、操炮 ,终于在天聪年间成功铸成“天助威大将军”炮。在同明军作战及制造和使用红夷大炮的过程中 ,皇太极创建了八旗汉军 ,不仅每役所动员的红夷大炮均已超过明军 ,并开创出以汉人炮兵与满蒙步骑兵协同作战的卓越战术。清军在入关前夕所铸成的“神威大将军”炮 ,其品质已达到当时世界最高水平 ,在中国带动了一场影响深广的军事革命。     

广东先秦文化与秦汉文化的比较研究

从内容上定义．可将文化理解为人群社会活动的产物。从时间上来说，人群的活动首先是谋生活动，紧接着是处理人与人之间的活动，和提高自身素养的活动。也就是说．经济活动是人们社会活动的基础．并具有初蝌性。     

滇青铜文化与汉文化在云南的传播

滇青铜文化是在本地新石器文化的基础上,不断吸收中原青铜文化的因素而发展起来的青铜文化,特别是在汉赐滇王王印,设置益州郡后,滇青铜文化大量接受汉文化,并最后融于汉文化中。     

清代达斡尔语言与满汉文化

有清一代,达斡尔族与满族发生了较为密切的接触,其结果于清代中期在达斡尔族中形成了广泛的达--满双语现象,尤其在达斡尔文人武士中还逐渐形成了以效仿满洲文化,追逐"国语骑射"为时尚的心理趋势.与此同时,在满族与汉族深入接触,并受汉文化影响日渐深远的时代背景下,也通过满族间接地接触到了汉族文化.对达斡尔族在这个历史时段的语言与文化的情况学界少有涉及,尤其满族文化在其中所起的重要的中介作用更是无人问津.本文试就此论题进行初步探究,并就其中具有重要价值的话题展开讨论.     

汉语 汉字 汉文化的投射

汉语、汉字与汉文化联系十分紧密,极为广泛,汉字不仅反映了先民的礼仪、制度、风俗、艺术,而且通过汉字记录的汉语词汇折射出汉民族灿烂的历史文化。     

刍议满汉姓氏起源的共同特征

满族和汉族都拥有众多姓氏,在长时期满汉化交流过程中,姓氏起源产生许多共同特征,主要为：以地为氏、渊源于图腾、以名为氏、君主赐姓、改换姓氏,以姓为氏等6个方面。本对这6个方面的共同特征作了详实论述。     

饭店企业服务文化塑造与员工态度管理

员工态度对顾客判断饭店企业服务价值有重要影响,而员工态度又受企业服务文化的影响。本文探讨了饭店企业服务文化塑造的重要性及员工态度对顾客满意度的影响,并结合饭店企业特点,就员工态度管理的两个主要方面进行了详细阐述。     

Adapting Antonak and Harth's Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory for Kuwait's Culture

The purpose of this research was to adapt Antonak and Harth's (1994) Mental Retardation Attitudes Inventory for the Kuwaiti culture and to investigate its four‐dimensional structure. The study also aimed at identifying a unidimensional subset of items besides examining the quality of the identified items and the overall inventory. The 34 ‐item adapted inventor y was administered to 56 4 college students. Item analysis indicated that 29 items have had good psychometric characteristics. However, the exploratory factor analysis, cross‐correlations of scale and item scores, and correlations among scales did not support the four‐dimensional structure of the adapted inventory. Further, the sample was split into two random halves. A uni‐dimensional subset of 20 items was identified in one sample by iterative factor analyzing the item data and discarding items with small loadings. The other sample was used to cross‐validate uni‐dimensionality of the identified items. Analysis indicated that scores of the 20‐item inventory have high Cronbach coefficient alpha, and high stability and generalizability coefficients. Partial support for the validity of the scores had been ascertained by comparing the scores of male and female students, and by regressing the inventor y scores on indicators of familiarity with individuals with mental retardation. Findings were discussed with reference to Kuwaiti culture. Over the last two decades, inclusion has internationally become a critical part of the reform efforts to improve the delivery of services to individuals with Mental Retardation (MR). This trend focuses on increasing the opportunities for the placement of these individuals in the same social and educational set tings as individuals without MR. The new arrangements for providing services have created challenges to people without disabilities concerning acceptance, integration, and inclusion of individuals with MR into the mainstream of society (Praisner, 2003). Many researchers (e.g. Priestly, 1998; Yazbeck McVilly & Parmenter, 2004) have convincingly argued that these challenges have their roots in the societal norms and values that concurrently developed throughout the unfolding history of the meaning of MR. As Priestly (1998) noted, although people with differences have existed in all societies, the degree to which they were integrated or excluded varied according to predominant cultural perceptions. Yazbeck, McVilly and Parmenter (2004) suggested that people's attitudes toward individuals with MR are socially constructed and are acquired through experience over time. Individuals with MR are often judged by people based on their disability instead of their whole lives and what they may accomplish and experience during their life (Blatt, 1987). Consequently, People may rely on false generalization and develop negative attitudes towards individuals with MR. Makas, Finnerty‐Fried, Sugafoos, and Reiss (1988) noted that for nondisabled persons, positive attitude toward people with disability is usually conceptualized as being ‘nice’ and ‘helpful’, whereas for a person with a disability, the attitude would be dispensing with the category of disability entirely. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling ‘uncomfortable’ when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling ‘uneasy’ in the presence of people with disabilities. Attitudes manifest themselves as positive or negative reactions toward an object, driven by beliefs that impel individuals to behave in a particular way (Yuker, 1988). They comprise a complex of feelings, desires, fears, convictions, prejudices, or other tendencies learned through varied experiences that give rise to a set or readiness to act toward a person in a certain way (Chaiken & Stangor,1987). This means that attitude is not behavior, but the precondition of behavior. In addition, Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) identified three types of attitudes that influence how non‐disabled people interact with, and include or exclude people with disabilities: (1) A preparedness to engage with people as consumers, neighbors, or friends; (2) a lack of awareness about individuals with MR; and (3) a wariness or hostility regarding the idea of community integration. Research has shown that the third type of attitudes, which represents negative and non‐acceptance of individuals with MR is commonly observed (Gething, 1994; Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Such negative attitudes in a society may present people with MR as a burden on the welfare system. Moreover, people might not see individuals with disabilities as possessing a valuable social role or possessing the same abilities and characteristics that the majority of people possess. Tus, individuals with MR may not be accepted or included in society and may often be treated badly. In turn, Wolfensberger (1988) indicated that individuals with MR, being in a devalued position, would behave badly as they think that this is what is expected of them. As integration of persons with MR is increasingly becoming a global reality, Kuwait has designed social policy aimed at promoting acceptance and inclusion of people with disabilities into the mainstream of society. To implement the policy of integration, the Kuwaiti government is continually forming inclusive services for individuals with MR. The recent policy of inclusion (law 13/96), which has been adopted in 1996, asserts that people with disabilities have a fundamental right to live and grow within their local communities. This law has spawned an expanded system of services to encourage people with disabilities to live like people without disabilities. Inclusion policies give individuals with MR the right to be involved in the same situations as people without MR. For example, more individuals with MR, for example, are being employed. Moreover, most children with Downs syndrome now attend Kindergarten and are included in social programs for children in the general population. The general goal of all types of services provided for individuals with MR is to improve their participation in society. Although the Kuwaiti government has shown a growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals being able to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitude of others, such as students, teachers, coworkers, social workers, professionals, towards them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are, for the most part, negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000). According to Wright (1983), disability situations are vulnerable to fundamental negative attitudes, and this would seem to be even truer in the culture found in Kuwait. In Kuwaiti culture, disability has stigmatizing effect on members of the immediate and extended family; families tend to keep members with MR out of the sight of other people. This contributes to social exclusion of people with MR. There is also the traditional common belief that disability is related to (1) God's willing that the parent should have a child with a disability, (2) God is punishing the parent, (3) God is testing the parent, or (4) God is selecting the parent for an unknown reason. Commonly, persons with MR have been considered burdensome and shameful, because they are incapable of contributing to traditional social obligations and roles. While those traditional beliefs still exist, the law 13/96 was legislated to support the integration of persons with MR into various aspects of life. Consequently, we expect that people in the society would react to this trend with frustration, anger, or refusal. Usually, people in Kuwait have little or no information about individuals with MR; thereby uninformed determinations, such as stereotypes, reflect their attitudes toward these individuals. According to Blatt (1987), a stereotype will fill in the cracks and unanswered questions in a situation with which people are not familiar. Langer (1989) in her theory of ‘mindfulness’ also shows that stereotype is ‘premature cognitive commitments’ that leads people to make judgments without enough information and reflection. Moreover, the society labels given to individuals with MR are often accompanied with stigma and negative connotations. This situation makes it difficult for those individuals to be included into society and be accepted for what they actually are and not for what others assume them to be. According to Biklen and Bogdan (1977), this type of discrimination is called ‘handicapism’ and is defined as‘…a set of assumptions and practices that promote differential and unequal treatment of people because of apparent or assumed physical, mental, or behavioral differences’ (p.206). These perceptions may prevent individuals with MR from being accepted, and they might be viewed, based on Erikson's theory, as a pseudo species, or as less than human (Smith, 1981). Furthermore, professionals', leaders', and students' views and beliefs about the integration of individuals with MR into society may result in slowing the process of inclusion and discouraging people from accepting these individuals as what they are. For example, though senior staff in Kuwait's Ministry of Social Affairs succeeded in including children with Downs syndrome into public kindergarten, no other effort has been made since 1996 to integrate other children with disabilities into inclusive educational settings. More critical is that, while leaders make efforts toward inclusion, they continue to support the permanent residence of individuals with MR in social welfare institutions and urge the government to provide free health, social and educational services for the residents. Ahmad (2004) found that between 1992 and 2002, there was an increase in the number of children, and males and females adults with MR who live in the Social Welfare Institution for permanent care. The number of residents with MR has increased from 223 to 296. According to Philips (1992), leaders' and professionals' beliefs about individuals with MR could have commenced with the industrial revolution that brought with it the practice of classifying people who were different, and who were not able to pursue personal dreams or act as the industrial society required. Leaders and professionals may perceive individuals with MR, as Blatt (1987) stated, blessed innocents or surplus population that is unnecessary and expendable. These beliefs may never give the individuals with MR an adequate opportunity to present themselves and their abilities to others. Praisner (2003) suggested that leaders' attitudes are the key factor in successful inclusion. Due to leadership position, leaders' and professionals' attitudes about inclusion either could result in increased opportunities for individuals with MR to be served in different settings or increased efforts to support the segregated special education services. According to Goodlad and Lovitt (1993), leaders and professionals have the decision to develop an inclusive setting, if they (1) make and honor commitments, (2) do what they say in formal and informal settings, (3) express interest in inclusion, (4) act and make their actions known, and (5) organize their staff and their physical surroundings to implement inclusive programs. As Praisner (2003) stated, the success of inclusion depends on how leaders exhibit behaviors that advance the integration, acceptance, and success of individuals with disabilities in general settings. Researchers (e.g., Horne, 1985) have also shown that students' positive attitudes may increase their willingness to work with individuals with MR, and lead to removal of barriers to integrate them into society. The positive attitudes of students may help to encourage the establishment of policies and the allocation of resources to increase the integration of individuals with MR into different settings in the society (Yazbeck, et al., 2004). To enhance the policy of inclusion in Kuwait, society needs to evaluate some of its structures and change people's attitudes to fit the needs of individuals with MR instead of making these individuals fit society's structures. Helping individuals with MR to be included into society and establish socially valued roles would not be difficult if the attitudes of society are less restrictive and less resistant to change. As Kuwait continues to develop social and educational policy about inclusion, researchers must pay attention to the connection between integration and attitudes. The provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with MR can be legislated by Kuwait's government, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured without knowing people's beliefs and thoughts about persons with MR. Developing an understanding of the attitudes that is predominant in society, which in turn influences the actions of its members, is critical if we plan for social changes and for evaluating the effectiveness of public policy on promoting an inclusive society (Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Given that there are negative attitudes toward people with MR, particular care must be taken to monitor changing social attitudes toward these individuals to identify any serious impediment to the progress of their inclusion in different settings: schools, workplace, and the wider community. Research that is relevant to individuals with disabilities (e.g. Geskie & Salasek, 1988; Antonak & Harth, 1994) has revealed the need for researchers to investigate the attitudes of people toward MR. Wolfensberger (1983) suggested that the key to changing how people are valued socially is to change the perceptions people have about individuals who may differ from the norm. Research, however, has indicated that the investigation of attitudes toward individuals with MR requires a psychometrically sound instrument. It is crucial to conduct research to gather accurate information about these attitudes; it would clarify people's awareness of persons with MR, and assist in evaluating intervention programs and developing appropriate course work for special education fields. Further, it would inform public policy decisions, funding priorities, and service delivery, which in turn, enhance the likelihood of achieving successful integration and improving qua lit y of life for persons with MR (Antonak & Harth, 19 94; Schalock, 1990). Accurate measurement of attitudes could also lead to early detection of negative attitudes, such as personal prejudices, misconceptions, and irrational fears of professionals, social workers, and teachers when they first get involved in disability work settings. Furthermore, it would help in providing a baseline for monitoring changes in their attitudes over time (Byon, 2000). Changing attitudes would help in supporting efforts of individuals with MR to become autonomous (Philips, 1992), and help to decrease the resistance of others to allow people with MR to make decisions about their own lives and to be independent (Schalock, 1990). As the history of the deinstitutionalization movement has shown, becoming autonomous and independent are not as simple as releasing people from state facilities and hoping they survive on their own. Autonomy and independence are based upon choice‐making, and choice‐making must be taught to people with MR, as they have never been allowed to make their own choices and do not know how to rationally choose for themselves. However, as Crutcher (1990) noted, personal choice is based on opportunity, and opportunity is accessible only when society decides it should be. Therefore, in order for individuals with MR to have the opportunity to make their own decisions and be successfully included in society, special effort must be taken to change peoples' attitudes towards them. Moreover, a psychometrically sound instrument of attitudes helps researchers to assess with known precision respondents' feelings about individuals with MR (affective aspect of attitudes), and their conceptions about them (cognitive aspect of attitudes). On the affective side, there are feelings of approval or disapproval of individuals with MR in the society. On the cognitive side, there are beliefs, knowledge, and expectations that affect people's behavior towards individuals with MR. The affective and cognitive aspects affect the respondents' opinions of what services should be provided for individuals with MR and what policy should be adopted. These also assist in the design, implementation, and evaluation of social intervention program and strategies geared toward removing barriers to integration (Geskie & Salasek, 1988). The present study focused on adapting, for use in Kuwait, the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised (MR AI‐R) of Antonak and Harth (1994). The MRAI‐R was chosen because of the limitations of the MR attitudes' instruments in the Gulf States, and in particular the lack of such an instrument in Kuwait. After reviewing literature, it seemed that there was only one measure of attitudes; an inventory developed by Qaryauti (1988). Despite the claimed appropriateness of Qaryauti's scale, we decided to use the MRAI‐R of Antonak and Harth for several reasons. First, Qaryauti's scale was based on Western instruments that Antonak and Harth criticized and motivated them to construct the MRAI‐R. In contrast, Antonak and Harth constructed the MRAI‐R based on a review of more than 50 years of the attitude literature, and developed their inventory on the most available valid instrument. Second, by reviewing the items of the MRAI‐R and Qaryauti's scale, it was clear to us that the MRAI‐R is more consistent with the requirements of the law 13/96 that was mandated in Kuwait to assure the right of individuals with MR to be included into public schools, workplace, and the wider community (see Table 1). Third, the MRAI‐R, unlike Qaryauti's scale, incorporates several components of attitudes: (1) the integration‐segregation of individuals with MR in various school programs, workplace, and community; (2) the willingness of people to be associated with individuals with MR (Social Distance); (3) the rights of individuals with MR to be included in schools, communities, and the workplace (Private Rights); and (4) the derogatory beliefs of people about the moral character and social behavior of individuals with MR. Of the 22 items in Qaryauti's scale, 13 were related to derogatory beliefs, six to social distance, and only three to private rights and integration‐segregation. Fourth, many transcultural researchers have used the MRAI‐R in populations as diverse as the United States, Australia, and Korea. In the US, Ward (1998) used the MRAI‐R to explore relationships between empathy and attitudes among 200 parents and adult consumers with developmental disabilities. Also, Yozwiak (2002) utilized the MRAI‐R to examine the beliefs and attitudes of 210 community members toward a child with MR who was a witness to a sexual abuse case. In an Australian study, Yazbeck and others (2004) used MRAI‐R to examine differences in attitudes between students and professionals in disability services, and persons in the general community (N=492). In Korea, Byon's study (2000) used the MRAI‐R to investigate the effect of social desirability on attitudes toward MR, and to compare the relationships between attitude measures (both direct and indirect measures) and behavioral outcome indicators. Obviously, findings from a large number of studies using the MRAI‐R contribute to its validity. In contrast, we failed to find any study in which Qaryauti's scale was used. Based on the above arguments, it seems that the MRAI‐R would be useful in needs assessments, especially in schools and mental health clinics. For example, when the ministry of education decides to implement the inclusion policy in schools, there would be a need to assess attitudes of teachers and students towards students with MR. The results of such assessment would help in designing programs that improve attitudes as needed. The MRAI‐R can also be useful for social workers, professionals, and researchers who work in a variety of primary social welfare settings. It helps them to identify and target those people who are the most in need of training and preparation to change their attitudes toward MR. In a wider scale, non‐profit organizations can use results of assessing attitudes in advocating the rights of those individuals. In general, the primary usage of the MRAI‐R could be: (1) screening for early identification of negative attitudes; (2) assessing attitudes of specific groups toward persons with MR; (3) pre‐ or post‐ measurement in intervention studies; and (4) helping researchers who aim at studying the effects of attitudes on different variables in the life of people with MR (i.e. job satisfaction, life satisfaction, family relationship, social support), or the relationship between attitudes and demographic variables (i.e. gender, age, marital status, employment, educational status, familiarity with individuals with MR). Following the recommendation of Antonak and Livneh (1988) that researchers should use the existing instruments and stop creating new ones, the purpose of the present study is to develop an Arabic inventory of attitudes toward individuals with MR by adapting the MRAI‐R to be suitable for use in Kuwait. Specifically, the study aimed at: (1) revising the MRAI‐R items to make them suitable to Kuwait's culture; (2) investigating the suitability of the four‐factor‐structure of the MRAI‐R for measuring attitudes toward individuals with MR in Kuwait; (3) selecting a uni‐dimensional subset of items, if the four‐factor‐structure was not confirmed; and (4) examining the psychometric characteristics of the adapted inventory. We decided to carry out this study on college students for various reasons: (1) college students are prospective educators or professionals who will be either dealing with people with MR or making decisions that affect their lives; (2) college students in Kuwait play an active role in social change and in changing public opinions;(3) they are representative cross‐section of Kuwaiti society; (4) a sample of college students is more easily acquired than a sample from the general population.     

骆驼墩文化初论

骆驼墩遗址的发掘确立了骆驼墩文化遗存的存在,骆驼墩文化遗存代表了太湖西部山地向平原过渡地带的新石器时代考古学文化的新类型。根据其自身的文化特征、相对的年代跨度、所处的地理位置及周边同类遗址的空间分布,可将以平底釜为主要特征的骆驼墩文化遗存命名为骆驼墩文化。骆驼墩文化在其存在的时间段内,与长江下游的河姆渡文化、马家浜文化、宁镇地区的北阴阳营文化以及长江中游的大溪文化都有密切的交流。骆驼墩文化的发现,填补了环太湖西部史前考古学文化的空白,对深入研究长江下游新石器时代考古学文化及长江下游古代文明的进程等具有极其重要的意义。     

论祁头山文化

江阴祁头山遗址发掘迄今,引起学界广泛关注,遗址对于探究早期太湖地区聚落考古的文化传承问题具有重要意义,有助于完善该地区史前文化的发展脉络。从出土陶器、玉器的形制、工艺及其内涵分析,祁头山遗址均体现出明显的多文化因素,加之本地区独有的文化特色,使得祁头山与典型的马家浜文化存有较大差异,可视为一种全新的考古学文化——祁头山文化。     

论文化反腐

经济模式的转变冲击着文化的核心价值,文化反腐的实质就是核心价值的重建。重建核心价值必须确立政府、行业和个人的行为准则。     

试析北辛文化与马家浜文化的关系

北辛文化和马家浜文化是两个分布地域接近并且大致同时的考古学文化。本文根据现有发掘资料,通过比较二者在陶器石器等遗物、墓葬等遗迹以及主要经济产业等文化内涵方面的异同点,证明南北这两种考古学文化间确实存在着比较密切的关系。二者之间在发展过程中曾经发生过一定的交流活动,对彼此文化因素均产生了不同程度的影响。相比较而言,位于南方地区的马家浜文化对北方北辛文化的影响更为明显。     

基层文化建设浅议

加强基层文化建设,全面提高基层文化水平,是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容。当前要充分认识基层文化在构建和谐社会中的重要地位和作用,以科学发展观为指导,按照新时期新阶段对基层文化建设的新要求,采取得力措施,大力加强基层文化建设。     

中世纪斯拉夫文化刍议

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